Hasil untuk "History of Russia. Soviet Union. Former Soviet Republics"

Mindaugas Bloznelis

Let $G_1,\dots, G_m$ be independent identically distributed random subgraphs of the complete graph ${\cal K}_n$. We analyse the threshold behaviour of the strength of connectedness of the union $\cup_{i=1}^mG_i$ defined on the vertex set of ${\cal K}_n$. Let $a=\min\{t\ge 1:\, {\bf P}\{δ(G_1)=t>0\}\}$ be the minimal non zero vertex degree attained with positive probability. Given $k\ge 0$ let $λ(k)=\ln n+k\ln\frac{m}{n}-\frac{m}{n} {\bf E} X$, where $X$ stands for the number of non isolated vertices of $G_1$. Letting $n,m\to+\infty$ we show that ${\bf P}\{\cup_{i=1}^mG_i$ is $a(k+1)$-connected$\} \to 1 $ for $λ(k)\to -\infty$, and ${\bf P}\{\cup_{i=1}^mG_i$ is $ak+1$-connected$\} \to 0 $ for $λ(k)\to +\infty$. In particular, the connectivity strength of the union graph $\cup_{i=1}^mG_i$ increases in steps of size $a$. Our results are obtained in a more general setting where the contributing random subgraphs do not need to be identically distributed.

Tímea Kovács, Dóra Gréta Petróczy, Gábor Pásztor

As of 2022, the European Union has taken several steps regarding enlargement. We focus on the accession of countries with which the Union is actively negotiating membership. This is examined under two enlargement scenarios: first, the enlargement along the lines of the Western Balkan countries, and second, the accession of a trio (Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia) to the already enlarged Union. We determine the a priori power of the member states based on the Banzhaf and Shapley--Shubik indices. Various coalitions are also assumed to assess the power and influence of member states, considering both pre- and post-enlargement scenarios. We found a rare case when the two indices give different rankings. In the case of the Western Balkan countries' accession, the smaller population member states gain power, presenting an example of the new member paradox. While in a Union of 36 members, every member state loses some of their current power. However, some coalitions are better off with the EU36 enlargement than a EU33 one.

Murat Ozer, Goksel Kucukkaya, Yasin Kose et al.

This study proposes a prototype for locating important individuals and financial exchanges in networks of people trafficking that have grown during the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. It focuses on the role of digital platforms, cryptocurrencies, and the dark web in facilitating these operations. The research maps trafficking networks and identifies key players and financial flows by utilizing open-source intelligence (OSINT), social network analysis (SNA), and blockchain analysis. The results show how cryptocurrencies are used for anonymous transactions and imply that upsetting central coordinators may cause wider networks to become unstable. In order to combat human trafficking, the study emphasizes the significance of real-time data sharing between international law enforcement. It also identifies future directions for the development of improved monitoring tools and cooperative platforms.

Sergey Polekhov, Vladimir Shishkin

Статья посвящена дипломатическим контактам Русского государства с Габсбургами в 1519–1531 гг., от смерти императора Максимилиана I до возвращения в Москву последнего посольства, отправленного великим князем Василием III в Прагу. Дом Габсбургов в контактах с Московским государством представляли император Карл V и его брат Фердинанд I – эрцгерцог Австрийский (с 1521/22), король Чехии и Венгрии (с 1526/27), римский король (с 1531). Они были заинтересованы в формировании лиги христианских государей для противостояния османской экспансии, что подразумевало заключение «вечного мира» или по меньшей мере перемирия между Русским государством и Великим княжеством Литовским, соединенным с Польским королевством персональной унией под властью Сигизмунда I Старого. Интересы Василия III и его окружения были противоположными: они заключались в ратификации союзного договора 1514 г., направленного против Ягеллонов и подразумевавшего совместные наступательные действия. С 1526 г., когда в Мохачской битве погиб король Венгрии Лайош (Людовик) II, Фердинанд I вел борьбу за венгерский престол с Яношем Запольяи, которого поддерживала Польша. При этом Карла V занимали в основном дела Западной и Южной Европы, тогда как полномочия в выстраивании международных отношений в Центральной и Восточной Европе он делегировал Фердинанду I. Московско-габсбургский обмен посольствами показал, что московская сторона неохотно вела переговоры с Фердинандом I, несмотря на его заинтересованность в них, стремилась контактировать с императором и не раскрывала антиягеллонского содержания договора 1514 г., предлагая «возобновление дружбы и любви». Принципиальное расхождение целей сторон и особенности их коммуникации привело к тому, что союзный договор так и не был ратифицирован. Центральное место в статье занимает анализ сведений о московском посольстве 1528 г. – четвертой из пяти миссий, отправленных Василием III к Габсбургам за указанный период. В приложении публикуется с переводом на русский язык новый источник об этом посольстве – письмо Фердинанда I, короля Чехии, Маргарите Австрийской, наместнице Фландрии, от 28 июля 1528 г., о проезде московского посланника к императору Карлу V в Испанию.

Надежда Николаевна Старикова

В рецензии представлена коллективная монография, опубликованная в научной серии «Studia literaria» Института словенской литературы и литературоведения Научно-исследовательского центра Словенской академии наук и искусств, в которой впервые комплексно, в мультидисциплинарном ключе представлено функционирование государственной цензуры как института официального контроля за социокультурной жизнью словенцев в период с 1789 по 1918 г. на территориях Габсбургской империи, а затем Австро-Венгрии. На протяжении всего рассматриваемого столетия словенские писатели, ученые, редакторы, издатели, критики, журналисты сталкивались с имперской цензурой как важнейшим фактором, регламентирующим их деятельность. Сам институт цензуры пережил в этот период ряд трансформаций: от секуляризации и обюрокрачивания во время правления Марии Терезии до репрессивной агрессивности цензурных практик при Франце Иосифе. Опираясь на широкий историко-культурный и литературный контекст, авторы – литературоведы, историки, искусствоведы, музейные работники, библиографы – исследуют влияние цензуры на процесс национального возрождения и творчество выдающихся словенских литераторов А. Т. Линхарта, Ф. Прешерна, И. Цанкара, на издательское и библиотечное дело, периодическую печать, национальный театр. Монография состоит из предисловия, обширного введения и двух расположенных в хронологическом порядке разделов, первый из которых охватывает период от Великой французской до Мартовской революции, второй – от Мартовской революции до Первой мировой войны. Каждый раздел включает десять авторских глав. Книга снабжена именным указателем, информацией об авторах и развернутым англоязычным резюме, включающим постатейные аннотации. Весьма информативен и полезен имеющийся в книге эксклюзивный архивный иллюстративный материал (копии документов, рукописей, писем, газетных страниц, цензурных заключений, судебных решений, географических карт, выписок из библиотечных каталогов и пр.), который не только служит доказательной базой, но и погружает читателя в атмосферу времени. Рецензия поступила в редакцию 15.02.2024. Цитирование Старикова Н. Н. Писатели vs цензура: словенский опыт в контексте XIX в. // Славянский альманах. 2024. No 1–2. С. 487–500. DOI: 10.31168/2073-5731.2024.1-2.26

Alexander O. Naumov, A. Senin

The annexation of the Austria by Nazi Germany in 1938 is an important element in the crisis of the Versailles system of international relations, which ended with the outbreak of World War II in Europe. The particular historical and political importance of this event consisted in the fact, that it was the first aggressive action of the Third Reich that led to the disappearance of a sovereign state from the map of Europe. However, despite the significance of this tragedy, it seems to be insufficiently studied in scientific literature. It should be pointed out that the First Austrian republic is often regarded in the Russian as well as foreign historiography as a subject of international relations completely dependent on Germany, fully following in the wake of the foreign policy of its large German-speaking neighbor. It should be pointed out that, with regard to the Soviet foreign policy, many foreign and Russian historians draw the conclusion that Austria played an insignificant role in the foreign policy planning of the Soviet Union. The little-known documents derived from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation, the Russian State Military Archive, Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, as well as the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation suggest otherwise. Special attention is paid to the economic side of the Anschluss, which is rarely touched upon in modern historiography. The methodological basis of the research presented below constitute historical-genetic and historical-systemic methods that are used to trace the evolution of the European system of international relations of that period. In this way, a multidimensional approach to the issues considered in the article allows us to recreate a holistic picture of the events of that time, as well as to restore the true cause-and-effect relationships between them. This circumstance is of particular importance in the context of the increasingly frequent attempts to rewrite the history of the Second World War and belittle the efforts of the Soviet Union to prevent it. The authors conclude that based on the new archival documents, it is possible to draw an unambiguous conclusion that the Anschluss became one of the key moments in European history, which made the outbreak of the Second World War in Europe inevitable. It consolidated the main foreign policy line of Western democracies to appease the aggressors, eliminated the last serious obstacles to the union of Nazi Germany and fascist Italy and demonstrated the impossibility of implementing in practice a collective security strategy based on the proposals of the Soviet Union on a united anti-German front.

Jukka Ruohonen

There is an increasing supply and demand for political advertising throughout the world. At the same time, societal threats, such as election interference by foreign governments and other bad actors, continues to be a pressing concern in many democracies. Furthermore, manipulation of electoral outcomes, whether by foreign or domestic forces, continues to be a concern of many citizens who are also worried about their fundamental rights. To these ends, the European Union (EU) has launched several initiatives for tackling the issues. A new regulation was proposed in 2020 also for improving the transparency of political advertising in the union. This short commentary reviews the regulation proposed and raises a few points about its limitations and potential impacts.

Patrick M. Duerr, William J. Wolf

The paper re-examines the principal methodological questions, arising in the debate over the cosmological standard model's postulate of Dark Matter vs. rivalling proposals that modify standard (Newtonian and general-relativistic) gravitational theory, the so-called Modified Newtonian Dynamics (MOND) and its subsequent extensions. What to make of such seemingly radical challenges of cosmological orthodoxy? In the first part of our paper, we assess MONDian theories through the lens of key ideas of major 20th century philosophers of science (Popper, Kuhn, Lakatos, and Laudan), thereby rectifying widespread misconceptions and misapplications of these ideas common in the pertinent MOND-related literature. None of these classical methodological frameworks, which render precise and systematise the more intuitive judgements prevalent in the scientific community, yields a favourable verdict on MOND and its successors -- contrary to claims in the MOND-related literature by some of these theories' advocates; the respective theory appraisals are largely damning. Drawing on these insights, the paper's second part zooms in on the most common complaint about MONDian theories, their ad-hocness. We demonstrate how the recent coherentist model of ad-hocness captures, and fleshes out, the underlying -- but too often insufficiently articulated -- hunches underlying this critique. MONDian theories indeed come out as severely ad hoc: they do not cohere well with either theoretical or empirical-factual background knowledge. In fact, as our complementary comparison with the cosmological standard model's Dark Matter postulate shows, with respect to ad-hocness, MONDian theories fare worse than the cosmological standard model.

Alexey Kolianov

Fin-de-Siècle Europe appears in the prose of the Czech poet and writer Jiři Karasek from Lvovice (1871–1951) as a mystical space full of nostalgia and claustrophobia, which force the characters to experience the hereditary involvement of history. This is, for example, how the hero of the novel “Gothic Soul” (Czech: Gotická Duše) feels. The novel shows Prague at the turn of the century as a place where the past is more real than the present. The trilogy “Novels of the Three Magicians” (Czech: Romány tří mágů), inspired by the legends about European “sorcerers”, uses Vienna, Venice, and Prague as magic or decadent territories that affect the characters’ behaviour. Karasek creates urban images with decadent aesthetics by applying special features and techniques. Among them we can highlight the night atmosphere, intentional emphasis on the artificiality of the reality, and the description of the scene with the symbols of decline or decay. Such a subjective view from the eyes of a decadent character can open up a city from a unique perspective, making it possible to distinguish previously unseen details. The image of Prague in Karasek’s works is dual and ambivalent. On the one hand, it is an aesthetically artifi cial decadent Prague and on the other, a mystical, magical Prague. Venice by Karasek is also a decadent city where only the past is alive. With help of Karasek’s prose one can obtain the prism of decadent and “gothic” novels — rather rare and original for Czech literature genres. His works also give us the opportunity to experience the lost atmosphere of pre-war Europe.

Борис Сергеевич Новосельцев

Статья, написанная на основе сербских источников и документов Центрального разведывательного управления США, посвящена фигуре Савы Косановича, политика, активная деятельность которого пришлась на время существования как Первой, межвоенной, так и Второй, коммунистической, «титовской» Югославии. Особое внимание автор уделил роли Косановича в годы Второй мировой войны, когда тот, будучи членом югославского правительства в эмиграции, выступил с критикой великосербской линии сторонников короля Петра II и поддержал коммунистических партизан, внеся свой вклад в то, чтобы добиться создания на Западе позитивного образа этого движения и его лидера — Йосипа Броза Тито. В этой связи затронут вопрос о возможных связях Косановича с советскими спецслужбами за границей на основании документов американской контрразведки — проекта Венона. Также рассмотрена его деятельность на посту посла Югославии в США (в 1946–1949 гг.), в ходе которой Косановичу удалось немного поправить испорченные после войны отношения двух стран и начать диалог с американцами после советско-югославского конфликта 1948 г., направленный на оказание Белграду помощи со стороны западных государств. Статья поступила в редакцию 21.09.2021. Цитирование Новосельцев Б. С. Сава Косанович: между королевской и социалистической Югославией // Славянский альманах. 2022. No 1–2. С. 123–134. DOI: 10.31168/2073-5731.2022.1-2.1.08

Peter Bubenik

Garside et al. use event history methods to analyze topological data. We provide additional background on persistent homology to contrast the hazard estimators used by Garside et al. with traditional approaches in topological data analysis. In particular, the former is a local method, which has advantages and disadvantages, while homology is a global. We also provide more background on persistence landscapes and show how a more complete use of this statistic improves its performance.

N. D. De Santo, C. Bisaccia, L. D. De Santo

D. N. Shevelev, A. G. Melnik

The article features the reforms of the federal structure in the 1990s and the development of the Treaty of Federation in 1992. It focuses on the practices of federal relations that appeared in the post-Soviet period both in terms of the interaction between the Federal Center and the regional elites and in the context of the classical federalism. The authors described the factors that hindered the signing of the Federal Treaty, as well as the resources the regional elite used to affect the Center. They revealed the opposite views on the concept of federal structure expressed by national and territorial subjects of the Russian Federation and described their attempts to reach a compromise in the redistribution of powers. The research objective was to determine to what degree the Center was responsible for the content of the Treaty of Federation as the regional self-identification was gaining strength and the system of center-regional interaction was changing. The authors also highlighted the role of certain social groups on the development of federal relations, showed how the actions of the Center improved its positions, and identified historical facts that predetermined the asymmetry of the Treaty of Federation. The authors believed that the new model of federal relations was a compromise between the interests of the regional elites and the central government. However, it also strengthened the positions of the Federal Center and legalized the asymmetric nature of its relations with the regions. The research was based on general scientific methods and such historical research tools as comparative and systematic methods. It also involved such interdisciplinary methods as the historical-legal and the comparative analysis of legal documents.

Julia Kantor

Сюжеты Второй мировой войны, безусловно относящиеся к «сложным вопросам истории», до сих пор не отрефлексированы и оттого полны фобий и мифов. Анализируя набор инструментов исторической политики, автор выделяет следующие: политизация истории (следование политической конъюнктуре), манипуляция фактами, героизация (глорификация) истории и ее акторов, демонизация – конструирование образа внутреннего и внешнего врага, идеологическое цензурирование контраверсивных оценок, актуализация социополитической ностальгии. Применение всего этого арсенала идеологического воздействия на массовое сознание можно увидеть в резонансных социополитических эксцессах последнего времени. Различие исторических оценок – это реальность, которую бессмысленно затушевывать. Преодоление исторических травм – «сочетания истории и памяти» – является непреложным условием нормализации, объективизации рефлексии по поводу прошлого. Предметом внимания автора стали внешнеполитические инвективы, ставшие очагами дипломатической напряженности (в частности, Декларация Европарламента о начале Второй мировой войны, принятая в 2019 г.), деятельность правительственных организаций, «отвечающих» за историческую политику (украинский Институт национальной памяти), экспозиции музеев стран Восточной Европы (Музей Второй мировой войны в Гданьске, Музей оккупации в Риге), школьные учебники по истории, судьба памятников, посвященных Второй мировой войне (в частности, Бронзового солдата в Таллине), а также публичные историко-политические акции, переворачивающие историческую реальность (например, шествия в День легионера в Риге), и проявления цензуры изданий с альтернативным взглядом на травмирующие события войны.

Vladimir Trut

The foreword of the Executive Editor of the issue.

Dmitrii V. Sterkhov

Introduction. The current study focuses on a number of sermons preached by the Prussian Protestant ministers on the occasion of the first municipal elections in Prussia in 1809–1810. The paper seeks to show that the Prussian Protestant clergy supported the introduction of the municipal self-government and inspired the population to take part in elections. Methods. The paper presents a case study dealing with the problem of the interaction between religious and political spheres in the early nineteenth century. This gives rise to the interdisciplinary approach adoptedin the current study. Analysis. Prussian Protestant preachers combined religious symbols with liberal vocabulary advancing the thesis that a good Christian is an honest citizen. The sermons abounded in such terms as “public spirit”, “civic responsibility” or “love of the Fatherland”. God was directly involved in the earthly politics since the municipal self-government was regarded as a divine gift from heaven. The Holy Spirit was thought to be present at municipal elections watching over the minds and the hearts of citizens. Prussian Monarch Frederick William III was stylized in the sermons as a typical “citizen King” who respected the rights of his subjects. The Prussian Kingdom was imagined as a big family with the King as the Father of the nation, the Prussians being his grown-up children. The introduction of the municipal self-government was thus described as “coming of age” of the Prussian people. Conclusion. The case study of the Protestant clergy supporting the liberal reforms conducted by the Prussian government proves that modernization did not always mean secularization.

Dmitry V. Vasilyev

Introduction. The article is devoted to the review of the situation in Kuldja in the first half of the Russian domination there (1871–1876). Modern Russian historiography does not know the works that would describe the real measures of the Russian administration in this part of Russian possessions in Central Asia. Methods and materials. The article analyzes the main source – a note by N.N. Pantusov with information about Kuldja District. Regulatory acts on Russian governance in the area are used as additional sources. The comparative and critical analysis of sources is of interest. Analysis and Results. The Russian administration immediately outlined its main tasks: ensuring safety of the population, maintaining a civilian traditional way of life and governance, and equal rights for all local peoples. Destroying everything unprofitable for both states (Russia and China), the Russian administration refrained from fundamental innovations. The analysis of the sources carried out in the article allows to conclude that the Russian presence in the Ili region was temporary and even nominal indeed. The dispensing of the most fundamental articles of the Statute on the Governing of the Semirechenskaya and Syrdarya Provinces of 1867 to this district indicates the intention to facilitate the management of the new territory. And all the innovations indicate the presence of two trends. One of them was to form an attractive image of the Russian government. Another trend was aimed at spreading of all-Russian institutions to the district. Both of these trends demonstrate the intention of the representatives of the local Russian administration to keep Kuldja within the Russian Empire. The main source was published during the period of discussing the need to return the Ili region to China. However, there is no reason to argue that it was created for public announcement.

Yaping Mao, Zhao Wang, Colton Magnant et al.

Given a graph $G$ and a positive integer $k$, define the \emph{Gallai-Ramsey number} to be the minimum number of vertices $n$ such that any $k$-edge coloring of the complete graph $K_n$ contains either a rainbow (all different colored) triangle or a monochromatic copy of $G$. In this paper, we obtain the exact value of the Gallai-Ramsey numbers for the union of two stars in many cases and bounds in other cases. This work represents the first class of disconnected graphs to be considered as the desired monochromatic subgraph.

The study deals with the Soviet translation policy into Ukrainian in 1933-35, when a gradual shift in official judgments on translation took place and a new function of translations, the one connected with nationalities policy, emerged, as translations became considered an instrument of consolidation of the Soviet Union republics around Russia. Stalinist regime has been shown to have attempted to openly regulate literary expression in translated books, including not only the textual choices and source language, but even the translation methods. The study describes a unique for the XX century Europe campaign in press against “the nationalistic wrecking” in translation incriminating the translators a nationalistic distortion and counterrevolutionary actions toward separating the Ukrainian language from Russian (and not at all inaccuracy of translation!).which triggered plentiful relay translations as well as retranslations and revisions to near the texts to Russian. Five condemning publications against “wreckers” in translation of both political literature (“distortions” of Lenin’s works in the translations edited by Scrypnyk) and fiction (“distortions of Maхim Gorky works and of Sholokhov’s Virgin Soil Upturned in Ukrainian translations), as a part of the campaigning accessible to the observer. The campaign has been displayed to have triggered plentiful retranslations and revisions to near the texts to Russian. Their vocabularies were purged of “archaisms,” or words harkening back to national history, and “alien” elements (e.g., the vocabulary of Polish or Czech origin), and the prohibited words and other elements were replaced by “internationalist” ones (Russian-derived modern vocabulary and grammar constructions borrowed from Russian).

Sadri Houman, Аkar Basak

The fall of the Soviet Union prompted a vast amount of political change across the globe. A bipolar global power structure transformed into a unipolar diplomatic one. In the wake of this structural shift, the former Soviet Republics gained independence — along with all its merits and challenges. Great Powers were forced to reassess their relationships under new geopolitical conditions. Meanwhile, the newly formed Central Asian Republics were brought to the forefront of global attention. Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan’s developmental journey is not simply regionally significant, but also globally. Geographical, economic, and political factors make the region pivotal for the Great Powers. Faced with challenges like ethnic, religious, and political conflict; the Great Powers have competed to gain influence in the region. This competition has included both soft and hard power tactics. The scope of this paper is limited to three involved Great Powers in the region: Russia, China, and the United States. Their relationships with the Central Asian states are unique. The diversity of their foreign policy goals, capabilities, and challenges toward Central Asia paint a complex mosaic of international relations. Nevertheless, this analysis will clearly illustrate that these Great Powers have more opportunity for cooperation than just conflict.