Hasil untuk "Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class"

Joshua Uhlig, Paula Pirker-Díaz, Matthew Wilson et al.

The emergence and decline of democratic systems worldwide raises fundamental questions about the dynamics of political change. Contrary to the idea of a stable endpoint of liberal democracy, recent backsliding towards less democratic regimes highlights the non-stationary nature of regime evolution. Here, we analyse the historical trajectories of countries within a two-dimensional regime space derived from the principal components of the Varieties of Democracy dataset. We observe weakly non-ergodic dynamics unfolding in an effective landscape characterised by sparse and shifting basins of stability. Step sizes and sojourn times characterising this dynamics follow heavy-tailed distributions near the critical regime, in which mean values appear to diverge. These facts point to the intermittent and heterogeneous nature of the regime change dynamics. A continuous time random walk model reproduces the dynamics of the three most recent decades with remarkable accuracy. Together, these results suggest that some aspects of political regime evolution follow universal stochastic principles, while remaining punctuated by unique historical pathways.

Eurelino Coelho

La Organização Revolucionária Marxista Política Operária (Polop) es vista, frecuentemente, como pionera en la superación teórica del estalinismo y en la renovación del marxismo en Brasil, el punto de partida de la “nueva izquierda” brasileña. Este artículo contextualiza y expone, de modo sintético, la trayectoria de Polop y recupera el proceso de elaboración de sus tesis consideradas innovadoras. Al examinar su trayectoria, por un lado, relativizamos la idea de su carácter teórico pionero y, por otra parte, resaltamos aspectos innovadores en la praxis de la organización que aún han sido poco estudiados.

Emelia May Hughes, Tim Weninger

This study examines the structural dynamics of Truth Social, a politically aligned social media platform, during two major political events: the U.S. Supreme Court's overturning of Roe v. Wade and the FBI's search of Mar-a-Lago. Using a large-scale dataset of user interactions based on re-truths (platform-native reposts), we analyze how the network evolves in relation to fragmentation, polarization, and user influence. Our findings reveal a segmented and ideologically homogenous structure dominated by a small number of central figures. Political events prompt temporary consolidation around shared narratives, followed by rapid returns to fragmented, echo-chambered clusters. Centrality metrics highlight the disproportionate role of key influencers, particularly @realDonaldTrump, in shaping visibility and directing discourse. These results contribute to research on alternative platforms, political communication, and online network behavior, demonstrating how infrastructure and community dynamics together reinforce ideological boundaries and limit cross-cutting engagement.

Dzmitry Pihulski, Jan Kocoń

We explore how large language models (LLMs) assess offensiveness in political discourse when prompted to adopt specific political and cultural perspectives. Using a multilingual subset of the MD-Agreement dataset centered on tweets from the 2020 US elections, we evaluate several recent LLMs - including DeepSeek-R1, o4-mini, GPT-4.1-mini, Qwen3, Gemma, and Mistral - tasked with judging tweets as offensive or non-offensive from the viewpoints of varied political personas (far-right, conservative, centrist, progressive) across English, Polish, and Russian contexts. Our results show that larger models with explicit reasoning abilities (e.g., DeepSeek-R1, o4-mini) are more consistent and sensitive to ideological and cultural variation, while smaller models often fail to capture subtle distinctions. We find that reasoning capabilities significantly improve both the personalization and interpretability of offensiveness judgments, suggesting that such mechanisms are key to adapting LLMs for nuanced sociopolitical text classification across languages and ideologies.

Jonathan Palla

Desde la década de 1920 maduraron conflictos en las relaciones que estructuraban el mercado del boxeo profesional. Estas tensiones se expresaron en imágenes de explotación laboral derivadas de la vulnerabilidad de los jóvenes boxeadores en duras condiciones de trabajo. Durante la década siguiente, los contratos entre promotor y el boxeador fueron vistos como símbolo de inmoralidad en la explotación laboral. Atravesado por una larga y conflictiva coexistencia entre esas dos claves de explicación, la moral y la del trabajo, el boxeo profesional también participó de los impulsos organizativos y sindicales de la clase trabajadora durante la postguerra, mostrando que los objetivos de movilidad ascendente convivieron con otras formas de significar el trabajo en el espectáculo deportivo.

Valéria Maria Rodrigues

Este texto tem por propósito discorrer sobre a evolução da Extensão na Universidade Federal de Uberlândia (UFU) em conexão ao propósito da Agenda 2030 da Organização das Nações Unidas, a partir do pacto global para atendimento aos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (ODS). Inicialmente destaca como esse chamamento para a colaboração coletiva vem invocando as Instituições de Ensino Superior a partir da indissociabilidade pessoas-planeta-prosperidade-paz-parcerias. Ademais, com um recorte de atuação para e com as universidades, demonstra-se a extensão como elemento fundante e central com potencial de atuação estratégica para essa contribuição. A partir disso, busca-se demonstrar como os marcos regulatórios da extensão no Brasil e na UFU estão relacionados diretamente aos princípios, valores, objetivos e metas dessa agenda universal. Em síntese, tendo como referência os dois últimos ciclos de gestão UFU, 2017-2020 e 2021-2024, evidencia-se como a Extensão UFU vem se desenvolvendo em contribuição aos ODS e como proposições intencionais de governança e de gestão, tendo como mote a extensão, vêm sendo direcionadas e implementadas com apresentação de resultados bastante exitosos. Para tanto, vamos aos feitos e efeitos da Extensão UFU em conexão aos ODS.

Pagnarasmey Pit, Xingjun Ma, Mike Conway et al.

Large Language Models (LLMs) have gained significant popularity for their application in various everyday tasks such as text generation, summarization, and information retrieval. As the widespread adoption of LLMs continues to surge, it becomes increasingly crucial to ensure that these models yield responses that are politically impartial, with the aim of preventing information bubbles, upholding fairness in representation, and mitigating confirmation bias. In this paper, we propose a quantitative framework and pipeline designed to systematically investigate the political orientation of LLMs. Our investigation delves into the political alignment of LLMs across a spectrum of eight polarizing topics, spanning from abortion to LGBTQ issues. Across topics, the results indicate that LLMs exhibit a tendency to provide responses that closely align with liberal or left-leaning perspectives rather than conservative or right-leaning ones when user queries include details pertaining to occupation, race, or political affiliation. The findings presented in this study not only reaffirm earlier observations regarding the left-leaning characteristics of LLMs but also surface particular attributes, such as occupation, that are particularly susceptible to such inclinations even when directly steered towards conservatism. As a recommendation to avoid these models providing politicised responses, users should be mindful when crafting queries, and exercise caution in selecting neutral prompt language.

Tim Räz

Recently, watermarking schemes for large language models (LLMs) have been proposed to distinguish text generated by machines and by humans. The present paper explores philosophical, political, and ethical ramifications of implementing and using watermarking schemes. A definition of authorship that includes both machines (LLMs) and humans is proposed to serve as a backdrop. It is argued that private watermarks may provide private companies with sweeping rights to determine authorship, which is incompatible with traditional standards of authorship determination. Then, possible ramifications of the so-called entropy dependence of watermarking mechanisms are explored. It is argued that entropy may vary for different, socially salient groups. This could lead to group dependent rates at which machine generated text is detected. Specifically, groups more interested in low entropy text may face the challenge that it is harder to detect machine generated text that is of interest to them.

Érica de Souza e Souza, Erivelton de Souza Mendonça, Gabriel Rodrigues do Nascimento et al.

Este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar as contribuições do Movimento Nacional por uma Educação do Campo na construção de políticas públicas para as escolas do campo da década de 1990 até os dias atuais. Os procedimentos teórico-metodológicos utilizados foram: pesquisa bibliográfica embasada nos estudos de Arroyo, Caldart e Molina (2011), Arroyo (2007), Borges (2007), Caldart (2012), Fernandes, Cerioli e Caldart (2011), Munarim (2008) e outros; e pesquisa documental a partir do Parecer do CNE nº 36/2001 relativo às Diretrizes Operacionais para a Educação Básica nas Escolas do Campo, Resolução CNE/CEB, nº 1, de 3 abril de 2002, Decreto Federal nº 7.352, de 4 de novembro de 2010a, Portaria nº 86, de 1 de fevereiro de 2013. Conclui-se que o Movimento Nacional por uma Educação do Campo vem contribuindo na construção de políticas públicas para as escolas do campo, na perspectiva de emancipação humana e de um projeto de educação contra-hegemônico para a classe trabalhadora camponesa.

Fabiana Evangelista Lerner, Gabriel Júlio Guerra, Mary Stefany Andrade Carvalho et al.

O presente relato de experiência trata-se de um projeto de extensão do Curso de Odontologia, denominado “Suporte Odontológico Preventivo e Restaurador ao Paciente Oncológico (SOPRO)”, da Universidade Federal de Uberlândia, cujo objetivo é ampliar os cuidados orais preventivos e restauradores, assim como minimizar as complicações e/ou sequelas bucais de pacientes diagnosticados com câncer na região da cabeça e do pescoço submetidos ao tratamento oncológico, a fim de proporcionar a esses pacientes uma melhor qualidade de vida. Foram realizados atendimentos odontológicos todas as quartas-feiras, execução de procedimentos restauradores, orientações de saúde bucal e acompanhamento dos pacientes. 23 pacientes participaram do projeto durante o PEIC 2022. As ações foram desenvolvidas na instituição, na clínica odontológica do bloco 4T, no período de janeiro a dezembro de 2022. As atividades de extensão desse projeto permitiram interações entre graduandos e graduados em Odontologia e pacientes com diagnóstico de câncer de cabeça e pescoço em tratamento oncológico, o que contribuiu na formação profissional dos alunos participantes em relação aos cuidados e acompanhamento dos casos orientados no projeto.

Dennies Bor, Benjamin Seiyon Lee, Edward J. Oughton

There is growing concern that over the past decade, industrialized democratic nations are becoming increasingly politically polarized. Indeed, elections in the US, UK, France, and Germany have all seen tightly won races, with notable examples including the 2016 Trump vs. Clinton presidential election and the UK's Brexit referendum. However, while there has been much qualitative discussion of polarization on key issues, there are few examples of formal quantitative assessments examining this topic. Therefore, in this paper, we undertake a statistical evaluation of political polarization for representatives elected to the US congress on key policy issues between 2021-2022. The method is based on applying sentiment analysis to Twitter data and developing quantitative analysis for six political groupings defined based on voting records. Two sets of policy groups are explored, including geopolitical policies (e.g., Ukraine-Russia, China, Taiwan, etc.) and domestic policies (e.g., abortion, climate change, LGBTQ, immigration, etc.). We find that out of the twelve policies explored here, gun control was the most politically polarizing, with significant polarization results found for all groups (four of which were P < 0.001). The next most polarizing issues include immigration and border control, fossil fuels, and Ukraine-Russia. Interestingly, the least polarized policy topics were Taiwan, LGBTQ, and the Chinese Communist Party, potentially demonstrating the highest degree of bipartisanship on these issues. The results can be used to guide future policy making, by helping to identify areas of common ground across political groups.

Ohad Inbar, Joachim Meyer

The 'intuitive' trust people feel when encountering robots in public spaces is a key determinant of their willingness to cooperate with these robots. We conducted four experiments to study this topic in the context of peacekeeping robots. Participants viewed scenarios, presented as static images or animations, involving a robot or a human guard performing an access-control task. The guards interacted more or less politely with younger and older male and female people. Our results show strong effects of the guard's politeness. Age and sex of the people interacting with the guard had no significant effect on participants' impressions of its attributes. There were no differences between responses to robot and human guards. This study advances the notion that politeness is a crucial determinant of people's perception of peacekeeping robots.

Daniel L. Bennett, Christopher J. Boudreaux, Boris N. Nikolaev

Using institutional economic theory as our guiding framework, we develop a model to describe how populist discourse by a nation's political leader influences entrepreneurship. We hypothesize that populist discourse reduces entrepreneurship by creating regime uncertainty concerning the future stability of the institutional environment, resulting in entrepreneurs anticipating higher future transaction costs. Our model highlights two important factors that moderate the relationship. First, is the strength of political checks and balances, which we hypothesize weakens the negative relationship between populist discourse and entrepreneurship by providing entrepreneurs with greater confidence that the actions of a populist will be constrained. Second, the political ideology of the leader moderates the relationship between populist discourse and entrepreneurship. The anti-capitalistic rhetoric of left-wing populism will create greater regime uncertainty than right-wing populism, which is often accompanied by rhetoric critical of free trade and foreigners but also supportive of business interests. The effect of centrist populism, which is accompanied by a mix of contradictory and often moderate ideas that make it difficult to discern future transaction costs, will have a weaker negative effect on entrepreneurship than either left-wing or right-wing populism. We empirically test our model using a multi-level design and a dataset comprised of more than 780,000 individuals in 33 countries over the period 2002-2016. Our analysis largely supports our theory regarding the moderating role of ideology. Still, surprisingly, our findings suggest that the negative effect of populism on entrepreneurship is greater in nations with stronger checks and balances.

Yuyang Chen, Xiaoyu Cui, Yunjie Song et al.

This study verified the effectiveness of Donald Trump's Twitter campaign in guiding agen-da-setting and deflecting political risk and examined Trump's Twitter communication strategy and explores the communication effects of his tweet content during Covid-19 pandemic. We collected all tweets posted by Trump on the Twitter platform from January 1, 2020 to December 31, 2020.We used Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression analysis with a fixed effects model to analyze the existence of the Twitter strategy. The correlation between the number of con-firmed daily Covid-19 diagnoses and the number of particular thematic tweets was investigated using time series analysis. Empirical analysis revealed Twitter's strategy is used to divert public attention from negative Covid-19 reports during the epidemic, and it posts a powerful political communication effect on Twitter. However, findings suggest that Trump did not use false claims to divert political risk and shape public opinion.

Maximiliano Basilio Cladakis

El presente estudio tiene por objetivo abordar la relación entre filosofía, historia y marxismo desde el debate entre Jean Paul Sartre y Maurice Merleau-Ponty. Dicha relación excede el campo teórico para extenderse sobre el campo histórico-político. Precisamente, para ambos autores la filosofía se da en un anudamiento con el mundo de la vida imposible de evitar. Con esta finalidad, trataremos el debate entre Sartre y Merleau-Ponty teniendo en cuenta sus miradas y posicionamientos con respecto a los acontecimientos que hicieron a su contemporaneidad.

Kiran Garimella, Tim Smith, Rebecca Weiss et al.

Political polarization appears to be on the rise, as measured by voting behavior, general affect towards opposing partisans and their parties, and contents posted and consumed online. Research over the years has focused on the role of the Web as a driver of polarization. In order to further our understanding of the factors behind online polarization, in the present work we collect and analyze Web browsing histories of tens of thousands of users alongside careful measurements of the time spent browsing various news sources. We show that online news consumption follows a polarized pattern, where users' visits to news sources aligned with their own political leaning are substantially longer than their visits to other news sources. Next, we show that such preferences hold at the individual as well as the population level, as evidenced by the emergence of clear partisan communities of news domains from aggregated browsing patterns. Finally, we tackle the important question of the role of user choices in polarization. Are users simply following the links proffered by their Web environment, or do they exacerbate partisan polarization by intentionally pursuing like-minded news sources? To answer this question, we compare browsing patterns with the underlying hyperlink structure spanned by the considered news domains, finding strong evidence of polarization in partisan browsing habits beyond that which can be explained by the hyperlink structure of the Web.

Drew Stommes, P. M. Aronow, Fredrik Sävje

The regression discontinuity (RD) design offers identification of causal effects under weak assumptions, earning it a position as a standard method in modern political science research. But identification does not necessarily imply that causal effects can be estimated accurately with limited data. In this paper, we highlight that estimation under the RD design involves serious statistical challenges and investigate how these challenges manifest themselves in the empirical literature in political science. We collect all RD-based findings published in top political science journals in the period 2009-2018. The distribution of published results exhibits pathological features; estimates tend to bunch just above the conventional level of statistical significance. A reanalysis of all studies with available data suggests that researcher discretion is not a major driver of these features. However, researchers tend to use inappropriate methods for inference, rendering standard errors artificially small. A retrospective power analysis reveals that most of these studies were underpowered to detect all but large effects. The issues we uncover, combined with well-documented selection pressures in academic publishing, cause concern that many published findings using the RD design may be exaggerated.

Carlos Toxtli, Siddharth Suri, Saiph Savage

Crowdsourcing markets provide workers with a centralized place to find paid work. What may not be obvious at first glance is that, in addition to the work they do for pay, crowd workers also have to shoulder a variety of unpaid invisible labor in these markets, which ultimately reduces workers' hourly wages. Invisible labor includes finding good tasks, messaging requesters, or managing payments. However, we currently know little about how much time crowd workers actually spend on invisible labor or how much it costs them economically. To ensure a fair and equitable future for crowd work, we need to be certain that workers are being paid fairly for all of the work they do. In this paper, we conduct a field study to quantify the invisible labor in crowd work. We build a plugin to record the amount of time that 100 workers on Amazon Mechanical Turk dedicate to invisible labor while completing 40,903 tasks. If we ignore the time workers spent on invisible labor, workers' median hourly wage was $3.76. But, we estimated that crowd workers in our study spent 33% of their time daily on invisible labor, dropping their median hourly wage to $2.83. We found that the invisible labor differentially impacts workers depending on their skill level and workers' demographics. The invisible labor category that took the most time and that was also the most common revolved around workers having to manage their payments. The second most time-consuming invisible labor category involved hyper-vigilance, where workers vigilantly watched over requesters' profiles for newly posted work or vigilantly searched for labor. We hope that through our paper, the invisible labor in crowdsourcing becomes more visible, and our results help to reveal the larger implications of the continuing invisibility of labor in crowdsourcing.

Guilhem Cassan, Milan Van Steenvoort

The difference in COVID 19 death rates across political regimes has caught a lot of attention. The "efficient autocracy" view suggests that autocracies may be more efficient at putting in place policies that contain COVID 19 spread. On the other hand, the "biasing autocracy" view underlines that autocracies may be under reporting their COVID 19 data. We use fixed effect panel regression methods to discriminate between the two sides of the debate. Our results show that a third view may in fact be prevailing: once pre-determined characteristics of countries are accounted for, COVID 19 death rates equalize across political regimes. The difference in death rate across political regime seems therefore to be primarily due to omitted variable bias.

Mariama Ribeiro de Carvalho, Aralinda Nogueira Pinto de Sá, Jairo Domingos de Morais et al.

A Atenção Básica configura-se como a porta preferencial para o Sistema Único de Saúde. Nele, grupos operativos se constituem uma boa aplicação para permitir o acesso da população e a qualidade de vida dos usuários, além de oportunizar a atuação da fisioterapia, no âmbito da prevenção de agravos ou complicações, e da reabilitação, desenvolvida por meio de atividades multiprofissionais. O objetivo é relatar a experiência de implantação do grupo operativo Escola de Postura na Unidade de Saúde da Família Alto do Céu Integrado, Mandacaru, João Pessoa-PB. Trata-se de um estudo de natureza qualitativa e descritiva do tipo relato de experiência. Foram realizados treze encontros do Grupo Escola de Postura, sendo utilizado o método problematizador na perspectiva da educação popular em saúde. A experiência permitiu desenvolver o trabalho no âmbito da Atenção Básica, a acessibilidade dos usuários ao serviço e fortalecimento dos cuidados primários em saúde a partir da oferta de ações preventivas e reabilitadoras, com foco em ações de fisioterapia, além de ampliar o potencial da educação popular em saúde. Como dificuldades da vivência destacaram-se: o comprometimento da agenda da equipe de saúde da família e do Núcleo Ampliado de Saúde da Família e Atenção Básica.