Hasil untuk "Socialism. Communism. Anarchism"

Jens Petter Kollhøj

I Norge markeres gjerne en av milepælene for et nybygg med kranselag eller mønsåsfest, der byggherren takker arbeiderne for innsatsen. Med utgangspunkt i begrepet klassekompromiss undersøker jeg om pressedekning og fotografier fra et kranselag for forsikringsselskapet Norske Folks nye hovedkontor i 1968 kan tolkes som uttrykk for samarbeid, likhetstanker og sosial integrasjon. Jeg retter oppmerksomheten mot relasjoner mellom arbeidstakere og arbeidsgivere/ledere, og gjør i analysen bruk av teori fra visuell retorikk og et begrepsapparat om fotografiske intimitetsfelt. Aviser og upublisert bildemateriale er sentrale kilder. Artikkelen bidrar til ny kunnskap om et lite belyst felt av norsk arbeidslivs- og kulturhistorie og er et eksempel på hvordan fotografier kan aktiveres som historisk kildemateriale.

Mariano Millán

Reseña de Jordi Sancho Galán, El antifranquismo en la universidad. El protagonismo militante (1956-1977), Barcelona, Catarata, 2024, 384 pgs.

Eivind Heldaas Seland

Arbeidernes Leksikon ble gitt ut i 94 hefter og seks bind mellom 1931 og 1936 på Arbeidermagasinets Forlag. Verket var et uttalt forsøk på å skape et marxistisk alternativ til den rådende borgerlige samfunnsdiskursen. Leksikonet var det første i sitt slag utenfor Sovjetunionen og var inspirert av «Den store sovjetencyklopedien» (Bolsjaja sovetskaja entsiklopedija, første utgave 1926–1947) og «Den lille sovjetencyclopedien» (Malaja sovetskaja entsiklopedija, 1928–1931). Det inneholdt mye oversatt stoff fra disse, men mange artikler ble også skrevet eller tilrettelagt av norske sosialistiske akademikere. Redaktørene og mange av bidragsyterne var tilknyttet Norges Kommunistiske Parti og nettverket til den intellektuelle organisasjonen Mot Dag, men selve prosjektet var partipolitisk uavhengig, og med 10 000 solgte eksemplarer fikk verket bred utbredelse i arbeiderbevegelsen. I denne artikkelen ser jeg på hvordan tidlig historie blir representert i Arbeidernes Leksikon. Med utgangspunkt i et utvalg av representative artikler, argumenter jeg for at historie og historisk kunnskap spilte en viktig rolle, både for å etablere arbeiderkultur som en fullverdig motkultur til det borgerlige dannelsesidealet og for å vise gyldigheten av marxistisk samfunnsanalyse, og dermed at utviklingen mot revolusjon og det klasseløse samfunn var en historisk nødvendighet, men at det også var betydelige innslag av folkeopplysning og dannelse i prosjektet, etter mønster av tradisjonelle leksikon.

Laura Graciela Rodríguez

En este artículo analizaremos los escritos dedicados a la educación del militante socialista y maestro Américo Ghioldi, especialmente los elaborados durante su actuación como diputado nacional en los dos períodos que fue electo: 1932-1944 y 1963-1966. La hipótesis a seguir es que las diversas propuestas que fue presentando el legislador Ghioldi en distintas épocas tenían por objetivo denunciar que la principal amenaza para la escuela laica eran, por un lado, los funcionarios que pretendían incluir contenidos religiosos en la escuela pública y, por el otro, la existencia de establecimientos privados católicos y, por ello, consideraba necesario derogar toda la normativa que se producía para favorecerlos.

Miguel Huertas-Maestro

Por petición de Ernesto Guevara, en 1965 el psicólogo hispano-argentino Antonio Caparrós publicó “Los incentivos morales y materiales en el trabajo”, trabajo que apareció en la revista cubana Nuestra Industria y en la argentina La Rosa Blindada. En 1976, el artículo sería reeditado por Clínica y Análisis Grupal, una revista española de psicología crítica. Nuestro trabajo analiza cómo el artículo de Caparrós se relaciona con el escrito de Guevara “El socialismo y el hombre en Cuba” y explica, años más tarde y en otro contexto, su influencia en algunas áreas de la psicología crítica española durante el tardofranquismo y la Transición.

Carlos Alberto Álvarez

Reseña de Ángela Vergara, Fighting unemployment in twentieth-century Chile, Pittsburgh, University of Pittsburgh Press, 2021, 245 pgs.  

Sølvi Bennett Moen

Kvinnelige pressefotografer har blitt oversett i ulike fremstillinger av norsk fotohistorie. Denne artikkelen viser at selv om kvinnene har vært delvis usynlige, har de allikevel satt sitt preg på arbeiderbevegelsens aviser og tidsskrifter og fortjener en synliggjøring. Artikkelen undersøker hvor mange kvinner som faktisk har vært i yrket og skisserer utviklingen av pressefotografenes kjønnssammensetning. Videre presenteres tre kvinner og deres arbeid som pressefotografer i ulike perioder. De tre fotografene som tjener som eksempler er Gerda Grepp som var avisen Arbeiderbladets korrespondent under den spanske borgerkrigen, Sølve Harm som arbeidet som pressefotograf på Arbeidernes pressekontor fra 1963 til 1981 og Mimsy Møller som har vært ansatt i Arbeiderbladet/Dagsavisen siden 1984. Basert på et sammensatt kildemateriale av avisartikler, tidsskrifter, brev og bilder samt intervju, tegnes et bilde av disse fotografenes virke.

AAVV

Número completo

Dejana Nedučin, M. Skoric, M. Krklješ

In the socialist times, large housing estates in the Central and East European (CEE) cities were praised for effectively resolving the housing crisis, providing good and homogenous housing conditions at reasonable costs and enabling rapid urbanization. Following the collapse of communism, they have met with various consequences of low-cost construction based on prefabrication, lack of repair and upgrading investments and neglected or deferred maintenance, and the Western experience drew attention to the socio-economic outcomes of further physical downgrading. As the flats located in these estates make up almost half of the total urban housing stock in the CEE region, thus having a significant impact on the overall housing quality, this paper discusses the post-socialist context of development of these estates based on the existing literature and an interdisciplinary analytical approach, with an emphasis on their rehabilitation. The research questions relate to the problems they have been affected by, mechanisms and methods of interventions and multifaceted differences between the CEE and West European estates. The aim of the paper is to analyse the development and rehabilitation challenges that these estates have encountered during post-socialism and thus join the discussion on future prospects and feasible and sustainable upgrading related policies and programmes.

Radoslav Yordanov

Wolfgang Becker’s multi-award winning film Good-Bye Lenin (2003), which is discussed in the final chapter of this collective volume, plays on the dissonance between the new ways of life that followed German reunification in 1990 and the difficulty some had in relinquishing the past’s illusions about a socialist ideal that was never realized under the German Democratic Republic (GDR). To help the viewer understand this subtle theme, the film lends an important emotional charge to a makeshift speech delivered by a taxi driver who bears an uncanny resemblance to East German Army Major-General Sigmund Jähn, the first German to fly into space (in 1978 for an eight-day mission to the Soviet Salyut 6 space station). Reading from a television screen, Jähn’s doppelganger captures the sense of moral longing that for years had made Christine, the terminally ill mother of the film’s protagonist, believe in Communism generally and in the GDR’s version in particular: “We know that our country is not perfect. But what we believe in has inspired people all over the world. Socialism does not mean walling yourself in. Socialism means approaching others, living with them. Not only to dream about a better world, but to make it so.” (The full text is reproduced in both English and the German original in Jennifer Marston William, Cognitive Approaches to German Historical Film: Seeing Is Not Believing [London: Palgrave, MacMillan: 2016], pp. 50, 58.) In so doing, the taxi driver pinpoints the belief that made not only Christine but many others like her in East Berlin, Maputo, Hanoi, and Pyongyang swear to the principles of socialist solidarity during that time of bipolarity, when the East was separated from the West by walls and ideologies. Quinn Slobodian’s edited collection Comrades of Color reflects this milieu, attempting to bring together an internationalist worldview that mixes promises of a brighter future, fraternal solidarity, and entangled visions of the other, with memories and nostalgia of a common past. The volume includes contributions from a dozen scholars with intimate knowledge of the GDR’s dealings with the Third World during the Cold War. In conceptually framing the collection, Slobodian notes that “writing and recounting the history of the world from Germany, and of Germany in the world, remains a matter of intimate politics” (p. 11). This approach sets the volume apart from more institutional-oriented studies of diplomacy and international relations between the Soviet-bloc countries and the Third World. Slobodian and his collaborators seek to “understand how the high-minded internationalism of speeches and propaganda translated into everyday life” (p. 1). Accordingly, the essays in Part I present a rich palette of case studies delving into issues of race “without racism,’ including solidarity campaigns in support of Angela Davis; film co-productions with Vietnam and China; urban planning in North Korea and Vietnam; training activities for students from Mozambique, and entangled visions of the “other.”

Е.V. Nikolsky, N. Yuhan

The article analyses the understudied and archival philosophical and religious works of the famous Bachwana Rusin, Chairman of the initiative group on the reunification of the UGCC with the ROC, Protopresbyter Gabriel Kostelnik (1886–1948). While some of his philosophical works were only an interim stage in his philosophical understanding of being (the theory of cognition in “Three clues to cognition”), other studies carried a powerful charge of criticise, going beyond the traditionally dogmatic Catholic creationism (for instance, the analysis of atheistic doctrine and social ideas in “Philosophical Natural Thought”, “Space and Universe”) or criticising the foundations of the socialism-communism (“Evolution”, “Reason”, “Causes of Atheism”, “Atheist”, “Materialism”, etc.). Some of the unpublished philosophical works from Kostelnik’s archive disclose the peculiarities of his philosophical system (“Logic”), which opposed the established norms of logic as a science and the postulates of Christianity (the connection of consciousness and subconsciousness, stigmatisation, reincarnation, esoteric terminology, “a sense of mystery”, etc.). The analysis demonstrates that the protopresbyter was a diverse scholar with broad erudition and critical thinking, who generated original philosophical and religious concepts (Catholic modernism).

M. Tesar

Federico Martocci

El artículo explora el rol del Partido Socialista (PS) en la organización del movimiento agrario en un espacio del interior argentino que tenía una población rural y una economía basada en la actividad primaria. El recorte temporal se inicia con la creación del PS en el Territorio Nacional de La Pampa y concluye con la desarticulación de la Liga Agraria por la represión estatal y la salida de agricultores “terceristas” del PS. Procuramos brindar algunos elementos para explicar la expansión del socialismo en una zona rural, donde los líderes de la Liga Agraria, que adherían a esa fuerza política, veían en ella un logro resonante y no acataban la postura de la dirigencia nacional de manera acrítica. En cambio, analizaban con autonomía la realidad del PS y se basaban en sus experiencias para discutir temas delicados, entre ellos el vínculo con la esfera gremial.

Yann Cristal, Guadalupe A. Seia

En este trabajo examinamos el desarrollo de las agrupaciones estudiantiles de izquierda de la Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA) entre el final de la última dictadura y los inicios del gobierno de Raúl Alfonsín. Por un lado, analizamos su papel en la reorganización de los centros de estudiantes y en las movilizaciones universitarias de esos años. Por otro, consideramos las dificultades que enfrentaron en el complejo escenario de los 80, caracterizado por fuertes cambios políticos, entre los que se destacan la nueva hegemonía de Franja Morada sobre el movimiento estudiantil porteño y la relativa pérdida de influencia de la izquierda. Para su desarrollo hemos triangulado fuentes orales producto de entrevistas en profundidad realizada por los autores, una variedad de fuentes documentales (oficiales, prensa, materiales de agrupaciones estudiantiles, periódicos partidarios, entre otros) y diversos trabajos académicos sobre la etapa.

S. Bronner

Hallvard Tjelmeland

The article discusses the long-term effects of the Russian revolution on the Norwegian labour movement, primarily the dominant Norwegian Labour Party. This influence will be assessed from two aspects: its relationship to the Soviet Communist Party, and to the state it created. To reveal the content of and changes in the Norwegian Labour Party in relation to these two variables, it is necessary to see how this was performed in different periods. In the first period, from the Revolution until the schism within the dominant wing of the Norwegian labour movement in 1923, there was a strong degree of identification with both the Bolshevik Party and the Bolshevik State. In the period 1923-1939, there were no formal party ties. The Norwegian Labour Party defined itself to the left in the international labour movement and had an ambivalent and increasingly critical attitude to the Soviet Communist Party, but still backed the «workers’ state» in the east. During the years 1939-1955, both the Soviet state and the Soviet Communist Party were perceived as threatening entities owing in great part to the Moscow processes and power politics following the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Experiences from the Second World War laid the foundation for a bridge-building approach towards the Soviet Union, and elements from this strategy were also brought into the later NATO membership. After Stalin’s death the dominant point of view of the Labour Party was that the Soviet Union was an authoritarian state that acted rationally on its own security premises, and from this there developed a tradition of critical dialogue that became hegemonic. The article specifically argues against viewpoints tending to explain elements of these bridge-building policies and critical dialogues as the result of an ideological affinity.

Tyrus H. Miller

D. Georgescu

Lucas Poy

Marcel van der Linden es investigador del Instituto Internacional de Historia Social (IISG, por sus siglas en holandés), en Ámsterdam, y fue hasta el año pasado el director del área de investigación de esta reconocida institución, uno de los más importantes archivos y centros de estudio sobre la historia de los trabajadores a nivel mundial. Es el director del comité editor del International Review of Social History, editado por el IISG, y forma parte de comités académicos y asesores de numerosas publicaciones de historia del movimiento obrero y la izquierda en todo el mundo, entre ellas Archivos. Ha publicado decenas de artículos y libros, como Workers of the World. Essays toward a Global Labor History (2008), Western Marxism and the Soviet Union. A Survey of Critical Theories and Debates since 1917 (2007) y Transnational Labour History: Explorations (2003). Este último es el único que fue publicado también en español (Historia transnacional del trabajo, Valencia, 2006), un idioma en el cual su producción es mucho menos accesible. La entrevista fue realizada en el IISG el 3 de noviembre de 2015. En ella abordamos un recorrido por su trayectoria política y académica, un análisis de su propuesta de desarrollar una “historia global del trabajo” y una discusión sobre las perspectivas actuales de la historia de los trabajadores y la izquierda, en el marco de la crisis mundial y las luchas de los trabajadores. La transcripción en inglés fue revisada por Van der Linden. La traducción al español es de Lucas Poy.

Daniel Carl Newman

This paper will explore matters of alienation in personal mobility. It begins by outlining the present car system that dominates and has led to transport becoming an increasingly large issue terms of sustainability. The car system will then be located within the process of reification, an approach to alienation that identifies the car as a capitalist commodity pushed onto ordinary people. The paper will go on to explore the legacy that these developments have had on the twenty-first century landscape with cities made for cars and a countryside rendered car dependant. Possible alternatives to overcome the current car system will be identified, paying specific regard to schemes in Finland and Wales. The paper suggests that mobility should be construed as a common right and that there is a need to see past the current car system.