Hasil untuk "Public relations. Industrial publicity"

Ying Mei, Yuzhou Zhang, Jincong Yu et al.

Background Previous studies have primarily focused on the relationships among the health locus of control (HLC), healthy lifestyle and life satisfaction of college students. However, little is known about the mediating mechanism of healthy lifestyle on the other two aspects. This study aims to address this issue. Methods A total of 2394 students from six colleges in Hubei Province validly completed self-report questionnaires, including the Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS), Healthy Lifestyle Questionnaire for college students and Multidimensional Health Locus of Control Scale (MHLC), which covered three dimensions: internal HLC, powerful others HLC and chance HLC. Partial least squares structural equation modelling (PLS-SEM) was employed to analyses the hypothesized relationships in the path model, and a mediation analysis was used to verify the indirect relationships. Results Healthy lifestyle and life satisfaction showed positive relations with both internal HLC and powerful others HLC, but a significant negative association with chance HLC. In addition, healthy lifestyle mediated the relationships of internal HLC, powerful others HLC and chance HLC with life satisfaction. Conclusions Healthy lifestyle mediates the impact of HLC on life satisfaction. Students with high IHLC tend to develop a healthier lifestyle and have higher LS. Powerful others also exert positive effects in collectivist cultural backgrounds. Thus, colleges should give full play to the positive role of psychological health and physical education courses in improving students’ IHLC. Meanwhile, the positive guiding effect of powerful others should be stressed. Further, particular emphasis should also be placed on the peer influence, new media publicity functions, community intervention, and college systematic appraisal, especially during and after public health emergencies.

S. Frenkel, S. Rahman, K. M. Rahman

In 2013, the Rana Plaza disaster highlighted the highly exploitative conditions of the global garment supply chain centred on Bangladesh. Global lead firms and other stakeholders responded by reforming the labour governance system comprising public and private regulations. How can the effects of this new multi-level governance system on worker outcomes (wages, working conditions and workers’ rights) be conceptualized and explained? Using an inter-disciplinary framework integrating an industrial relations/sociology perspective and a global production network approach, we show how workplace relations (structural and relational workplace characteristics) mediate the relationship between the labour governance system and worker outcomes. A mixed methods research design that includes a factory management survey and case studies enables us to identify and analyse two predominant types of workplace labour regimes associated with different patterns of worker outcomes (procedural and substantive employment conditions). Referred to as the hardship and sweatshop regimes, respectively, these differ in the extent to which workers are exploited. With the emergence of the Covid-19 pandemic, we discuss the possibility that modern slavery, the worst form of worker exploitation, is emerging. The paper concludes by briefly considering several research and practical implications of our analysis.

Caleb Goods, B. Ellem

How employer associations deploy their power resources to frame and pursue members’ interests in the making of public policy is of marked importance in many economies. This is strikingly so in Australia where employer associations have, over a 30-year period, shaped a critically important industrial relations policy space – climate change. In exploring this issue, in this article the authors combine studies from industrial relations and political science to show that, despite suggestions of employer association decline, these organisations exert influence over policymaking in both ‘noisy’ and ‘quiet’ ways. These forms of influence can be understood as linked to specific sources of power – structural, associational, institutional, societal – as employer associations define and pursue members’ interests.

D. Trottier

This paper considers an emerging practice whereby citizen’s use of ubiquitous and domesticated technologies enable a parallel form of criminal justice. Here, weaponised visibility supersedes police intervention as an appropriate response. Digital vigilantism is a user-led violation of privacy that not only transcends online/offline distinctions but also complicates relations of visibility and control between police and the public. This paper develops a theoretically nuanced and empirically grounded understanding of digital vigilantism in order to advance a research agenda in this area of study. In addition to literature on vigilantism and citizen-led violence, this paper draws from key works in surveillance (Haggerty and Ericsson, British Journal of Sociology, 51, 605–622, 2000) as well as visibility studies (Brighenti 2007; Goldsmith, British Journal of Criminology, 50(5), 914–934, 2010) in order to situate how digital media affordances and cultures inform both the moral and organisational dimensions of digital vigilantism. Digital vigilantism is a process where citizens are collectively offended by other citizen activity, and coordinate retaliation on mobile devices and social platforms. The offending acts range from mild breaches of social protocol to terrorist acts and participation in riots. The vigilantism includes, but is not limited to a ‘naming and shaming’ type of visibility, where the target’s home address, work details and other highly sensitive details are published on a public site (‘doxing’), followed by online as well as embodied harassment. The visibility produced through digital vigilantism is unwanted (the target is typically not soliciting publicity), intense (content like text, photos and videos can circulate to millions of users within a few days) and enduring (the vigilantism campaign may be top search item linked to the target, and even become a cultural reference). Such campaigns also further a merging of digital and physical spaces through the reproduction of localised and nationalist identities (through ‘us/them’ distinctions) on global digital platforms as an impetus for privacy violations and breaches of fundamental rights.

M. Ford, K. Ward

The labour market effects in Southeast Asia of the COVID-19 pandemic have attracted considerable analysis from both scholars and practitioners. However, much less attention has been paid to the pandemic’s impact on legal protections for workers’ and unions’ rights, or to what might account for divergent outcomes in this respect in economies that share many characteristics, including a strong export orientation in labour-intensive industries and weak industrial relations institutions. Having described the public health measures taken to control the spread of COVID-19 in Indonesia, Cambodia and Vietnam, this article analyses governments’ employment-related responses and their impact on workers and unions in the first year of the pandemic. Based on this analysis, we conclude that the disruption caused to these countries’ economies, and societies, served to reproduce existing patterns of state–labour relations rather than overturning them.

Aldrich Novrian, M. Rizki

Brand awareness is an important aspect in a coffee business. because it can expand the level of enthusiasm of business consumers. This is like what the Sodare Kopi shop is currently doing, which is currently looking to increase brand awareness using a integrated marketing communication whose sales are declining during the pandemic. This study aims to determine the integrated marketing communications mix used by the Sodare Kopi shop to increase brand awareness. The theory used in this study is the theory of integrated marketing communications which includes advertising, sales promotion, events and experiences, public relations and publicity, direct marketing, interactive marketing, and personal selling. This research is a qualitative research. The results show that the Sodare Kopi shop uses a marketing communications mix ranging from advertising through social media, Sales promotion through different variants, events and experiences by collaborating with outsiders, public relations and publicity by disseminating information through social media, direct marketing by providing knowledge. products, personal selling through positive interactions. and interactive marketing through Instagram polls.

V. Harrison

A qualitative content analysis of corporate social responsibility (CSR) webpages of top-ranked corporations was conducted to determine the ethical nature of online communications surrounding nonprofit partnerships. Are corporations giving nonprofits their fair share of online publicity? All CSR-related webpages from the top 30 Fortune’s 500 Most Admired Corporations for 2017 were examined. Ethical principles from public relations communications regarding open, honest, and transparent information sharing guided textual analysis. Evidence shows that CSR website communications often engage in self-promotion rather than genuine and mutually beneficial support for nonprofit partners. Through corporate branding of CSR activities, advertising through philanthropy stories, and exploiting employee volunteerism and donations, the balance of CSR relationships tilts heavily in the corporation’s favor. Yet, public relations practitioners have a special calling to be the “ethical conscience” of their organizations. Understanding how corporations can provide ethical communications about their nonprofit partners helps guide ethical voice of the practice. This study is unique for looking specifically at the ethics of corporate CSR communications themselves and for addressing the nonprofit perspective of CSR, which is often overlooked. While nonprofits may benefit from CSR relationships, this article shows that opportunities for mutually beneficial communications about these relationships may be lacking.

Roderick D. Iverson

Ian Mcgimpsey

Jessica Miller

A. Komus, J. Casler

Colleen Lanier-Christensen

In Tainted Earth, Marianne Sullivan examines the impact of non-ferrous smelting pollution in three US communities, investigating how the smelting industry successfully delayed pollution control measures for nearly a century. Smelting, the process of extracting metals from ore, played an important (and lucrative) role in US manufacturing. The process releases impurities such as lead and arsenic, which can be released through smokestacks and contaminate surrounding environments. Confronted with evidence of smelters' toxic outputs, the profiled companies responded by controlling research, hiding information and mounting public relations campaigns to discredit their opposition and confuse the public. Focusing on the controversies surrounding three facilities in Tacoma, Washington; El Paso, Texas; and Kellogg, Idaho, Sullivan offers an engaging comparative study firmly grounded in historical context. Based on meticulous, well-documented research, Sullivan's narrative is of great relevance for a number of reasons. First, Sullivan demonstrates that public health crises precipitated by smelting operations were not inevitable. Indeed, many foresaw the health consequences, yet none heeded the warnings. Sullivan establishes that the toxic effects of lead, arsenic and copper were well known not just in the medical and public health communities, but by the companies themselves. For example, in 1985, the Washington Supreme Court found that ASARCO (owner/operator of Tacoma and El Paso smelters) had known ‘for decades’ that their smelters emitted toxic metals (p. 145). Despite such knowledge, ASARCO and other smelting companies continued to make business decisions that prioritised financial success over public health. Ultimately, the health of countless children and adults living and working near the smelters was sacrificed due to preventable public health crises that resulted from ineffective research apparatuses, reluctance to invest in pollution controls and sympathetic regulatory regimes. Second, Tainted Earth illuminates the consequences of the retreat of public health over the twentieth century, despite expanding environmental awareness and regulations. The public often views the 1970s as a time of environmental successes, but it was also a period dominated by corporate consolidation and a discourse of personal responsibility for health and disease. As public health increasingly was characterised as a scientific endeavour – dedicated to conducting good science, rather than effecting social change – public health professionals shrunk from advocacy efforts to address the fundamental causes of unhealthful environments, which would have entailed challenging powerful corporate interests (Fairchild, Rosner, Colgrove, Bayer, & Fried, 2010). In Tacoma, state health officials were sceptical that air pollution posed a health threat and were loath to oppose corporate interests. Instead, officials focused on individuals' contributions to air pollution (e.g., automotive emissions, fireplace smoke), despite their miniscule volume compared to smelter emissions. Similarly, the federal government failed to intervene in state pollution control. In the first half of the twentieth century, government officials lacked the expertise to challenge industry claims, but even as they gained significant expertise and regulatory powers in the second half of the century, they were ‘reluctant to antagonize industry’ (p. 51). By the 1960s, the US smelting industry was in decline and reticent to invest in pollution controls for facilities with limited remaining lifespans. Industry leaders succeeded in keeping ageing facilities in operation by arguing that proposed environmental regulations (themselves based on inadequate science) were prohibitively expensive. In so doing, smelting companies furthered the key industrial narrative that placed jobs and health in opposition and framed environmental regulations as unwarranted impediments to economic growth. Regulators deferred to these industry narratives and delayed action such that none of the three smelters were forced to comply with federal pollution standards while in operation (all three smelters closed between 1981 and 1985). Third, Tainted Earth adds to a growing body of literature based on documents uncovered in discovery processes of legal proceedings. Courtroom discovery often unearths previously confidential internal documents, which can be invaluable in understanding what corporations knew about the health impacts of their products and production practices. For example, through these documents, we learn that in 1970, Bunker Hill's vice-president for environmental affairs acknowledged internally, ‘our emissions have destroyed most of the natural vegetation in the [Kellogg area]’ (p. 81). In 1972, ASARCO tested soil from vacant lots and children's play areas near the Tacoma smelter, confirming significant lead and arsenic contamination that caused company officials ‘some concern’. However, unsure what to do to address the issue and wary of bad publicity, the official was ‘inclined to let the “sleeping dog lie”’ absent inquiry from regulatory authorities (p. 124). This unique use of sources enables Sullivan to reconstruct negotiations to define the health threat posed by smelter pollution. She finds that the smelting companies knew that their emissions were hazardous and deliberately manipulated studies to obscure this, even going as far as controlling the research process in order to produce more favourable results. In one study of children's blood lead levels surrounding Bunker Hill, Sullivan documents significant design flaws and a lapse of medical ethics: investigators appear to have selectively screened out children with the most severe health issues and failed to systematically monitor and follow up on children with elevated blood lead levels. While scrutinising the evidence available, Sullivan reminds us that many internal industry documents remain inaccessible, including those relevant to the health crises that she discusses. She demonstrates the importance of court records to public understanding of health controversies and the need for public access to these documents. Fourth, Tainted Earth highlights the public health impacts of an understudied industrial process and its contaminants. Sullivan points out that smelters spurred some of the earliest pollution disputes and are often cited in environmental textbooks. Even so, the controversies around the public health impacts of smelting pollution have been given little in-depth consideration; existing investigations rarely focus on the lived experience of people in affected communities. Sullivan provides a thorough account of the controversies in these three communities, drawing heavily on the expertise and experiences of those figures central to these crises. Sullivan's investigation is further notable because the contaminants she studies – lead, arsenic and copper – go beyond only lead, which has so thoroughly captured the attention of the public health community. Particular chemical threats often arouse the passion of health and environmental advocates; some contaminants thus receive far more research and regulatory scrutiny than others that may pose a similar threat. In part for this reason, early research on toxins in smelter pollution focused heavily on lead. Consequently, other contaminants such as arsenic were often overlooked. This persisted even when some scientists warned that other contaminants posed ‘a more severe environmental health problem’ than lead (p. 138), and the National Academy of Science described evidence of arsenic's carcinogenicity as ‘strong’ (p. 139). A lack of attention to arsenic precipitated a dearth of comprehensive studies in Tacoma. This attention deficit constituted a key barrier to regulatory action in Tacoma, where arsenic was indeed the major environmental contaminant. Ultimately, Sullivan shows that despite extensive knowledge of the community health hazards posed by smelting pollution, none of these smelters were ever required to meet local or national emissions standards. As a result, the health of these three communities was sacrificed. For public health professionals, Tainted Earth illustrates the consequences of deferring to industry-sponsored science and of placing the burden of proof on citizens and regulators to produce ‘convincing evidence’ (p. 113) of health effects before taking regulatory action to protect public health. Sullivan weaves compelling stories of communities where children's health was irreversibly damaged by heavy metal pollution following smelting industry efforts to downplay and obfuscate the risks of pollution, and efforts to stave off environmental regulation. Given the important subject matter and Sullivan's well-written and engaging narrative, Tainted Earth will appeal to students and professionals across a variety of fields, including public health, history of science, toxicology, geography and environmental policy. The text will also interest public health professionals grappling with the question of why policies intended to ameliorate health conditions can be unevenly implemented and thwarted by local actors with substantial interests in perpetuating the status quo.

S. McCrystal, D. Tracey

In respect of industrial legislation, 2013 was a year of contrasts. At federal level, the outgoing Australian Labor Party government secured substantive new rights for trade unions with respect to right of entry, while those same unions faced increased regulation of their internal affairs and onerous new reporting and disclosure requirements when changes enacted in 2012 to the Registered Organisations Act 2009 (Cth) took effect. Other changes to the Fair Work Act included the introduction of a new ‘anti-bullying’ regime and the implementation of a range of family friendly measures to encourage consultation and discussion between employees and employers. At state level, there were significant developments with respect to the regulation of public sector workers in Queensland and New South Wales. Changes to Queensland industrial relations legislation restricted the range of matters that may be contained in Queensland awards or agreements, and imposed further curtailment of the right of public sector workers to take industrial action. In New South Wales, major changes to public sector regulation saw the reduction of statutory restrictions around the employment of public sector workers and an increase in the range of discretionary matters controlled by the New South Wales Public Service Commissioner. These changes increased the managerial prerogative powers of the New South Wales and Queensland governments as employers, while reducing job security, employment conditions and the ability of state public sector workers to have a meaningful say in their working conditions.

A. Francis, E. Tunde, Mariam A. Gbajumo-Sheriff

The objective of this paper is to examine the dynamics of collective bargaining machinery in both the public and private sectors in Nigeria; with a view to bringing to the fore the peculiarities associated with both sectors with regard to the practice of bargaining. To achieve this objective, the paper adopts a theoretical approach. The author observes that the practice of industrial relations as a discipline and that of collective bargaining in particular emanated from the private sector the world over. Thus, much of the practices of public sector collective bargaining are modelled after the private sector collective bargaining. However, in Nigeria, the obverse is the case as collective bargaining gained its root in the public sector owing to the near absence of private sector at the turn of the century. However, in Nigeria, the public sector pays lip-service to the collective bargaining machinery. Governments at all levels (Federal, State and Local) have continued to set aside collective bargaining and to give wage awards to score political points in spite of its commitment to the ILO Convention 98 to freely bargain with workers. The State or the government in the course of regulating wages and employment terms and conditions revert to the use of wage commissions. Thus, wage determination is by fiat. This preference for wage commissions can at best be regarded as a unilateral system as collective bargaining is relegated to the background.Wage tribunals or commissions offer little opportunity for workers’ contribution in the determination of terms and conditions of employment and can hardly be viewed as bilateral or tripartite. Thus, the State preference for wage commissions is anti-collective bargaining. In spite of Nigeria’s commitment to Conventions of the ILO with particular reference to such Conventions as 87 of 1948 and 98 of 1949 which provide for freedom of association and the right of workers to organize and bargain collectively. Thus, the use of wage commissions is antithetical to collective bargaining.

M. Bellandi

S. Deery, R. Mitchell

Lysbeth A. Woolcott, W. Unwin

Steven Casey

Richard A. Heiens