Hasil untuk "Political theory"

А.А. Воропай, Э. Варпаховскис

The article examines the transformation of the discourse on illegal immigration as one of the central and controversial topics of American politics (2009-2021). The theoretical framework of the research is based on Ole Wæver's securitisation theory. The methodology is presented by a mixed-method approach that combines content and sentiment analysis. The main purpose of the quantitative method is to count the number of keywords defined by the authors in the official speeches of politicians. The objective of the qualitative method is to evaluate all the matches from the sample on a scale of "rigidity" in the contextual framework of political statements. The authors conclude that there is a considerable degree of difference in the rhetoric of Obama and Trump, with statements by the former being categorised as neutral or negative, and those by the latter being predominantly positive or neutral. The article contributes to closing the gap in existing research by providing a comprehensive analysis of the presidential discourse related to illegal immigration to the United States. In the final part of the article, the authors believe that the tendency to build a narrative about illegal immigration through the prism of securitisation will continue to be a characteristic feature of the new Trump, elected in 2024. Key words: securitisation, Barack Obama, Donald Trump, official discourse, illegal migration

Felipe Massafera, Luciano Ferreira Gabriel

This paper aims to investigate the relationship between the development of the financial market and per capita income. For this, panel data methods were used to analyze proxy variables of depth, risk and liquidity of the financial system for a heterogeneous sample of 95 countries from 1980 to 2020. The results suggest that while depth and liquidity of the financial system are positively related to per capita income, the risk level of the financial system is negatively related to it. Furthermore, bank credit was shown to be more significant in increasing the level of per capita income for developing countries. In developed countries, however, capital market variables most affected per capita income.

Ananchenkova, Polina I.

This article is devoted to a comprehensive political analysis of the phenomenon of political empowerment of senior citizens as a key area in the context of global demographic aging. The focus is on the transformation of the role of older people in the political process, from the traditional perception of them as passive recipients of social support to their recognition as full-fl edged subjects of political action. Relevance of the topic is justified by the need to develop new approaches to the formation of an age-sensitive public policy focused on the political empowerment of the older generation. In theoretical and methodological terms, the work is based on the concepts of empowerment, inclusive democracy, and institutional political science. A structural analysis of the components of political empowerment of older people, i.e. political literacy, participation, representation, and effectiveness, is presented, taking into account the factors determining their level of involvement: individual (education, health, income), social (connections, participation in organizations), and political (accessibility of institutions, inclusiveness of legislation). The article pays special attention to the problem of ageism as a systemic barrier to the participation of the elderly in political life. The mechanisms of the negative impact of age discrimination on all aspects of political inclusion are revealed, from inaccessibility of information and infrastructure to the distortion of the public image of the older generation. Practical recommendations for overcoming these barriers are presented, including development of educational campaigns, legislative protection against discrimination, support for organizations of the elderly and expansion of inclusive participation mechanisms (public councils, participation budgets, age quotas, etc.). The work makes a contribution to the development of political gerontology and institutional political theory, focusing on the need to create an age-sensitive political environment in which the voice of an elderly person has real value and infl uence. In an aging society, it is the political empowerment of the elderly that becomes an indicator of the maturity of democracy, social justice, and effective governance.

Olha Liuta, Olha Deineka, Nadiia Artyukhova et al.

The aim of this article is to define the role of academic integrity as a key factor in ensuring the quality of higher education, to analyse the existing problems in this area and to develop recommendations for improving the level of integrity in the educational process. The article analyses the principles of academic integrity and its impact on the quality of educational processes. It was found that effective implementation of the integrity policy helps to reduce the level of academic misconduct, increase trust in educational institutions and improve the reputation of universities. The main mechanisms for ensuring academic integrity are considered, including regulatory control, digital technologies for checking plagiarism, educational programmes on academic writing and the creation of ethics commissions. Academic integrity is an essential component of high-quality education that ensures responsibility, transparency and fairness in the learning process. Prevention of plagiarism, falsification and other violations is possible only with a comprehensive approach that includes both preventive measures and responsibility for non-compliance with ethical standards. Further research should be aimed at improving the mechanisms of control and promoting a culture of integrity among students and university teachers.

Yuliia Ovchar

The study is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the functional characteristics of linguistic and stylistic means of emotional influence that function in the modern political discourse of the information space, forming political narratives to achieve emotional influence on the audience. The relevance of the study is accompanied by modern communication theory, which allows for a deep analysis of the influence of the media on human consciousness and the characteristics of the functional features of linguistic and stylistic means of emotional influence in political discourse. The purpose of the study is to analyze the functional characteristics of linguistic and stylistic means used for emotional influence in political discourse and to determine their role in the formation of public opinion and political behavior. The task of the study is to describe the functional features of the identified linguistic and stylistic means and to determine the contextual factors that determine the effectiveness of the use of various linguistic and stylistic means of emotional influence in political discourse. The study used the following research methods: analysis of scientific literature, content analysis, discourse analysis, and comparative analysis. The globalization of society in the 21st century and the increasing complexity of communication ties have made the issue of the influence of media on humans relevant. In the context of socio-economic and political shifts that break many familiar life stereotypes, the effect of the impact of the mass media on the audience is undesirable. The study contains a comprehensive and systematic approach to the functional characteristics of linguistic and stylistic means of emotional influence in political discourse, since in the context of the growing role of information technologies and media in political life and understanding the mechanisms of emotional influence allows us to critically evaluate political narratives, identify manipulative strategies and promote the development of media literacy in society. The analysis of these means in the context of modern political processes in Ukraine and the world is especially important.

Debajyoti Biswas

Assam has long experienced intercommunal tensions stemming from faulty colonial-era administrative policies, which have continued post-independence. Key instances of violence include the Language Movement (1960), the Medium of Instruction Movement (1972), and the Assam Movement (1979-1985). These conflicts, particularly over language, have intensified tensions between Bengali and Assamese-speaking communities. Despite efforts to protect Assam’s ethnic and linguistic diversity, political manipulation and poor crisis management have deepened divisions. As affective relation is built up to fuel community sentiments and empower these movements, one may discern that three principal factors have been responsible for intensifying the conflict: misinformation among the communities, misdirection of the Movements, and involvement of political parties. Further, as political rhetoric has kept fuelling and nourishing communal sentiments till the present day, the same factors seem to be at work in varying degrees. Employing qualitative methods, this study draws from primary and secondary data, including interviews with 150 families from various socio-economic and ethnic backgrounds in violence-affected areas of Western Assam. Through semi-structured interviews, leaders, political figures, victims, and witnesses shared their views on Assam’s socio-political and economic history. This research is structured on three principal arguments corresponding to three sections, and a set of recommendations is presented in the concluding section. The first section argues that although the genesis of language conflict was triggered by transformation brought about by a new socio-economic structure introduced by the East India Company (EIC), the rhetorical conflict has been sustained till the present times through the clerk-conspiracy theory. The second section discusses how the Indian People’s Theatre Association (IPTA), as a non-communal association, tried to diffuse communal sentiments during the Language Movement in 1960. The third section looks at the post-1960s era when the conflict intensified due to the failure of the previous governments to tackle the immigration issue, and the concluding section argues that since inter-ethnic relationships worsened in subsequent years, a constitutional safeguard for the Assamese community may transform the socio-economic conditions responsible for the conflict. However, this can be achieved only when solidarity-building measures, mutual respect for all communities, and humility are made the basis of conversation.

Bart Klem

This essay revisits a classic conceptual puzzle in democratic theory – the democratic boundary problem – to shed new light on contentious politics and separatist conflict in Sri Lanka. This theoretical problem is congruent with the core disagreement of this conflict – whether or not the Tamils comprise a nation that is entitled to its own state. Democratic theory struggles to adjudicate between competing political projects that pivot on different conceptions of the demos. Sri Lanka's conflict protagonists have advanced a wide range of institutional forms for their competing ideological projects. To understand these efforts, I posit, we need to look beyond legal strictures and formal delineations of democratic institutions by conceptualizing politics as a performative arena. This opens up analytical space to understand how institutions may be valorised or mocked, reenacted, sidelined or reversed. This article comprises a sequence of empirically based reflections organised around five keywords, which elucidate some of the central tenets and historical shifts of ethno-political contestation in Sri Lanka: Constitution, election, court, checkpoint, and Prime Minister. Contentious forms of political performativity around each of these five institutions unmask the self-referential nature of constitutional and democratic legitimacy. I thus argue we must mitigate the problematic tendency to accept as real and legitimate those political entities that emerged from history as part of recognised sovereign states, while the efforts of sovereign aspirants are shrugged aside as a problem that needs be explained and addressed.

József Garay, Ádám Kun, Zoltán Varga et al.

Abstract The pandemic reminded us that the pathogen evolution still has a serious effect on human societies. States, however, can prepare themselves for the emergence of a novel pathogen with unknown characteristics by analysing potential scenarios. Game theory offers such an appropriate tool. In our game-theoretical framework, the state is playing against a pathogen by introducing non-pharmaceutical interventions to fulfil its socio-political goals, such as guaranteeing hospital care to all needed patients, keeping the country functioning, while the applied social restrictions should be as soft as possible. With the inclusion of activity and economic sector dependent transmission rate, optimal control of lockdowns and health care capacity management is calculated. We identify the presence and length of a pre-symptomatic infectious stage of the disease to have the greatest effect on the probability to cause a pandemic. Here we show that contrary to intuition, the state should not strive for the great expansion of its health care capacities even if its goal is to provide care for all requiring it and minimize the cost of lockdowns.

Dave Guénette

Half a century ago, Dutch political scientist Arend Lijphart crafted the concept of consociational democracy (or consociationalism). His theory first aimed at explaining how divided societies could be politically stable, but was then used as a normative attempt to propose an institutional framework for power-sharing arrangements in plural contexts. For Lijphart, this framework is to be used to address the structural “crisis” that is looming in divided societies, a crisis that results from the majority-minority(ies) relationships. The concept of consociationalism, when it is combined or merged with federalism, becomes consociational federalism, a model that can serve both as a practical tool and as a normative theory to study and compare divided societies. This is the exercise in which we engaged in fine, comparing how Belgium, Switzerland and Canada have developed structures and practices infused with consociational federalism. Our conclusion is that, while they are not necessarily three consociational democracies, these three federations have nevertheless put in place mechanisms for cohesion and collaboration. Thus, consociationalism seems to be a valuable remedy to the crisis of divided societies, a guiding principle in their quest for stability, cohesion and good governance.

Iago Mendes Macedo , Gillian Leandro de Queiroga Lima

This article aims to present an overview of the historical formations of archival theory in Brazil from the creation of Archivology programmes. The research is characterized as qualitative and quantitative, where the following procedures were adopted: bibliographic survey, documentary research and survey research. The results point to: the possible historical formations that determined the construction of the archival field in Brazil, presenting the relations between Archivology and Information Science; political determinations in the organization of Archivology in its academicinstitutional phase; and demonstrate the role of the National Archives of Brazil, as well as the initiatives of the Association of Brazilian Archivists (AAB). It is concluded that the political field and the power relations that constitute it determined the way of organizing archival knowledge in Brazil.

Clare FitzGerald

Although performance information use (PIU) among public managers is a growing and increasingly relevant research area, the existing evidence base has two significant limitations for those interested in its application to nonprofit executives. First, large survey investigations, the predominant method used to assess PIU behaviors, have rarely sampled outside of government. Second, despite theoretical arguments and empirical support for PIU being a multidimensional behavior, only ‘purposeful’ use (i.e., the deliberate and instrumental use of performance information in decision-making to improve organizational operations) has been examined with any regularity. Thus, in addition to developing theory around PIU for nonprofit executives (rather than just public managers within governments), I test established drivers of purposeful and political PIU using survey data from 260 nonprofit executives throughout the United States. Results show that nonprofit executive PIU is driven by different considerations than public manager PIU. Additionally, results show that leadership support of performance measurement is an important driver of purposeful and political PIU, with organizational goal clarity and networking behavior also, specifically, driving political PIU.

Eddie Harmon-Jones, Cindy Harmon-Jones, Thomas F. Denson

Based on dissonance theory, we predicted that individuals who supported a political figure (Donald Trump), were exposed to information about his wrongdoings, and believed the veracity of this information would be most likely to share social media that points to incidents in which opponents also engaged in wrongdoing. Participants (N = 409) varying in their support for Trump were exposed to information concerning his alleged wrongdoings (or a neutral article). They viewed a meme of a political rival (Hilary Clinton) that alluded to her alleged wrongdoings, and reported how likely they would be to share the meme (and indicated how accurate they believed the Trump article was). Results supported the prediction, suggesting that dissonance may cause individuals to emphasize the wrongdoings of opponents.

Generative Constraints

Break Up Variations is an annotated score by means of which we consider the document as a break-up from — and with — the thinking of performance. We explore the formal categories of page-based and stage-based scores and documentations of performance, asserting the simultaneity of the document and its performance in their mutual departures, theorising the break-up as a form of relation, not as its absence. As a committee of interdisciplinary researchers and practitioners, we consider annotation in terms of affective and theoretical responses to each other’s subject positions. Break Up Variations relates to the problems particular to working in groups: the challenges of collaboration, the disagreements and community-led conflict resolutions, the difficulties with acting professionally, and the desires to keep working together, despite it all. We ask the following questions of each other and ourselves: What are the strategies that art, science, politics and theory might offer each other for navigating — possibly circumventing — the demise of relationships? If the working relationship breaks down, could the end of the group be considered a constitutive aspect of that group? We consider these questions to be about institutions as much as they are about interdependence on personal and planetary scales. Riffing on ideas about romantic break-ups, political dissolutions and ecological collapse, Break Up Variations considers the possibility that an end to a dream of symbiotic life is exactly what makes that dream possible and important.

Isto Widodo

<p>Dana Desa (Village Fund) Program is targetting equal economic growth based on bottom up wealth growth. Constrastly, in its practice, there are some problems due its effect on program responsibility and on socio-political relation. Based on Theory of Fiscal Decentralization, this paper presenting the practice of Dana Desa Program in Desa Bajo, Soromandi, Bima, Province of NusaTenggara Barat (West Nusa Tenggara/NTB). We found that the effect of democracy capacity weakness that causing low government capacity as main source of the problems. Instead of gaining its aims, Dana Desa is trigging political and governmental problems in Desa Bajo. Low democracy capacity as the main source of the problemms, caused by internal and external factors i.e. political culture, institutional framework as well as factor of political actors and political institutions.</p>

Federico Ferretti, Edward Castleton

This paper addresses the ‘geographicity’ of the works of the famous philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, drawing on the critical frame of present studies on the relationship between geography and anarchism, a political theory which includes Proudhon among its founders. Drawing on his published and unpublished texts, we interrogate Proudhon’s relation with geography, mainly through his approaches to federalism and to the problem of nationalities. Within the mammoth Proudhon’s corpus, we focus on the emblematic examples of his federalist writings on Italy and Poland. In a wide documentary appendix, we publish for the first time the chapter "Political Geography" from Proudhon’s unpublished monograph on Poland, whose manuscript version survives in the Besançon public library.

Renat Shaykhutdinov, Dilshod Achilov

To what extent does Islam help explain the dynamics of a participatory civil society in the post-Soviet Muslim-majority Central Asia? More specifically, to what extent does the variation in Islam (personal religiosity) and political Islam (support for Islam’s role in politics) help predict the propensity to engage in elite-challenging collective political actions, rooted in self-assertive social capital? Grounded in emancipative social capital theory, this article embarks on an individual-level quantitative analysis to systematically examine the variation in self-assertive collective action in four Central Asian republics. This study contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the empirical nexus between general religiosity (Islam), Islamism (Political Islam), and elite-challenging collective actions and offers new clues on the empirical interactions between resurgent Islam and collective political participation in the post-Communist Muslim world.

G. VACIAGO

In recent years there has been much debate concerning necessary conditions for an optimal monetary policy. In his interesting article Evaluation of Financial Targets in Six Countries, Argy presents an analytical framework in which to evaluate diverse financial targets based on a variety of assumptions. The present paper investigates the characteristics of diverse targets under alternative, more reasonable, assumptions on the preferences of the monetary authorities. Some of the limitations of Argy’s analysis are retained, but it is shown that by relaxing some of its strictures, more useful criteria for the formulation of monetary policy can be obtained.   JEL: E52

Kari Palonen

Terenzio Cozzi

The paper examines the influence of Modigliani's contributions to the theory of finance. As for the term structure of interest rates, the preferred habitat theory, had a mixed fortune: it was utilized by financial managers for a rather long time, before being discarded in the 1980s and, perhaps, being somewhat resumed in our days. The Modigliani-Miller theorem is considered as a landmark in finance theory, even if the controversies over both its assumptions and conclusions had indeed been very strong. By contrast, financial managers completely disregarded the thesis of an irrational undervaluation of stocks in inflationary periods. But most economists appreciate the proof that, for rather long periods, the market can be inefficient in channelling the resources towards the most productive utilizations.