Hasil untuk "Judaism"

Amir Mashiach

This article examines Rabbi Moshe Avigdor Amiel’s concept of “Torah and Work” (Torah va’avoda) as a central tenet of Religious Zionism. Rabbi Amiel, a prominent ideologue of the Mizrahi movement who served as Chief Rabbi of Tel Aviv (1936–1945), viewed the integration of spirituality and materiality as representing complete Judaism. Using Hegelian dialectics, Amiel explained his approach: the thesis (spirit) and antithesis (matter) unite to form a synthesis (complete Judaism). He argued that exile transformed Jewish identity from a multidimensional biblical identity to a one-dimensional rabbinical identity focused solely on spirituality. Religious Zionism aimed to restore Judaism to its original completeness. Amiel criticized both ultraorthodox Jews who embraced only the spiritual aspect (Torah) and secular Jews who embraced only the material aspect (work), asserting that only “the complete matter, not half the matter” represents authentic Judaism. He boldly claimed that partial perspectives constitute idolatry. The article explores Amiel’s position on “Hebrew labor”, which he viewed as a national commandment without limitation, contrary to the ultraorthodox view that restricted it to charity considerations. His relationship with labor movements and socialism is also examined—he identified commonalities between Judaism and socialism while highlighting fundamental differences. In 1938, Rabbi Amiel established “Hayishuv Hahadash”, Israel’s first yeshiva high school combining religious and secular studies, as a practical manifestation of his vision of complete Judaism integrating Torah and work. Amiel’s critical stance toward various groups—including Religious Zionism, ultraorthodoxy, and secular Zionism—stemmed from his commitment to revitalizing biblical Jewish identity that harmoniously combines Torah study and productive labor.

Saif Ahmed, Ayesha Akter Sumi, N. Aziz

ABSTRACT This study examines how Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Judaism interpret and respond to AI advancements through a systematic literature review, exploring theological, ethical, and philosophical perceptions. Christianity emphasizes human dignity and divine sovereignty, advocating for AI that aligns with stewardship and love. Islam promotes judicious AI use in line with justice and societal welfare. Hinduism views AI through Dharma and Ahimsa, encouraging ethical practices. Buddhism focuses on alleviating suffering and supporting AI's positive impact. Judaism approaches AI with cautious optimism, emphasizing justice and 'Tikkun Olam,' while calling for AI development that harmonizes with spiritual values and cultural sensitivity.

Ibrahim Bor

This study investigates how monotheistic religions depict God with masculine or feminine attributes, considering historical context. The issue arises from questioning the portrayal of a masculine God within these religions, influenced by a patriarchal socio-cultural backdrop. Instances mainly from Christianity and lesser from Judaism and Islam, the study analyzes the characteristics of religious theological language used in the depiction of God. In this context, we explore the linguistic challenge encountered by religious traditions when employing anthropomorphic language. Since the core issue revolves around expressing and labeling the divine, the paper initiates with a conceptual examination of God’s characterization as either masculine or feminine. In this analysis, tracing back historically, archaeological and anthropological evidence indicates that language used to describe God was initially predominantly feminine. Feminist perspectives contend that over time, particularly within monotheistic religions, this language has become masculine and that this historical shift has been a major factor in the social and cultural exclusion of women. Against this claim, the study aims to substantiate the claim that despite the effective historical dominance of the theological masculine language, the feminine divine image persists in both theistic and non-theistic traditions. Both the Holy Scriptures and early theological writings occasionally employ feminine language when discussing God, although less frequently than masculine language. Within this context, anthropomorphic depictions of God in the Holy Books of monotheistic religions—where God is perceived as an immaterial being—are interpreted metaphorically, analogically, or symbolically. In particular, the mystical traditions of these religions have emphasized feminine qualities more intensely in their depiction of the divine. They portray God not only as a father or male figure but also with feminine attributes, such as a mother, lover, or friend. These traditions contend that qualities like divine beauty and mercy find their fullest expression in women and the feminine manifestation of existence. Notably, the Nag Hammadi tradition, rooted in Jewish mysticism, highlights the feminine dimensions of the divine, emphasizing love and compassion. Medieval Christian mystics such as Meister Eckhart and Julian of Norwich also emphasized the feminine dimension of God in their experience of the divine. Similarly, within Islamic Sufism, influenced by the Our’an’s balance and harmony of tanzih(exoneratin God from human attributes) and tashbih (drawing similitude) the Ibn Arabi tradition, emphasizing the feminine portrayal of the divine. They recognized the divine presence within the feminine elements of creation. Additionally, a lesser-known figure, Molla al-Jaziri, dealt extensively with the theme of woman as a divine mirror. This study aimed aligns with the feminist theological approach, advocating for the reinterpretation of theological and religious language in order to liberate it from the dominance of a patriarchal language and reveal its feminine aspect. Additionally, study also suggests further research by examining specific time periods, approaches and individual scholars’ perspectives.

CJS Editors

Channing L. Crisler

Luke’s crucifixion scene includes a brief and unique exchange between the crucified Jesus and an unidentified crucified individual often referred to as the ‘penitent thief’. The dialogue between the two only spans two verses (Luke 23:42-43). Among the words they exchange, interpreters sometimes neglect the thief’s request – ‘remember me’ (μνήσθητί μου) – and its Christological implications. This article explores those implications given the request’s intertextual and intratextual features as well as its reception history. Based on these features, the overarching argument is that the cry ‘remember me’ functions as a dying lament shaped by similar laments in Israel’s Scriptures. The ‘remember me’ of this ‘lamenting thief’ is a request for divine forgiveness, mercy, and vindication. Such cries are normally directed to Israel’s God alone within the cultural heritage of Second Temple Judaism. In this way, Luke not only includes Jesus within the divine identity of Israel’s God, but, in the climactic scene of his biography, he brings him into the deepest contours of that relationship, namely the cry for deliverance in the face of death and judgement.

Katalin Rác

Hans-Georg Wuench

Numerous passages in the prophets and other Old Testament (OT) texts demonstrate connections to the Torah. In many of these cases, there are discussions on the nature of these connections. The main question is whether the Mosaic Law itself was already fixed at this time. However, there is no doubt that the Torah was already in place at the time of the composition of Ezra‒Nehemiah, at least in a preliminary stage. The book of Ezra‒Nehemiah shows how a later Jewish community interacted with and interpreted certain Old Testament law texts of the Torah. The divorce of foreign wives is the most important topic in this regard. The Mosaic Law itself dos not demand the dismissal of non-Jewish wives. The question therefore arises, how was the dismissal of foreign wives justified by Ezra and Nehemiah? What does this show about their understanding of the Mosaic Law? The article argues that the dismissal of foreign wives can be seen as a step towards the later “fence around the law.” It was a way to secure one’s own identity by clearly distinguishing between the “true Israel” and everyone outside. This eventually led to the rigid and exclusive alienation of the non-Jews, as we find in New Testament times and beyond.   https://doi.org/10.17159/2312-3621/2021/v34n3a12

Janice Rosen

CJS Editors

Josep Xavier Muntané Santiveri

El Liber secretariorum aliame judeorum Minorise es, de los dos únicos ejemplares de este género de liber iudeorum conservados en Cataluña, el más extenso. Contiene un registro de documentos en general relacionados con la fiscalidad de la aljama de Manresa, validados entre 1342 y 1353. Los secretarios de la comunidad aparecen en la mayoría de dichos documentos, especialmente en los acuerdos económicos pactados con judíos no residentes en Manresa pero con actividad crediticia en la ciudad (1343-1346). El artículo analiza las cláusulas de este tipo de contrato y edita críticamente esta documentación inusual.

Katja Šmid

Este artículo ofrece un estudio de algunas de las leyes, costumbres y consideraciones morales acerca de la pureza ritual de la mujer judía. Para ello, se recopilan textos tomados de las obras halájicas escritas en judeoespañol por el autor sefardí Eli ͑éźer Šem Tob Papo (Sarajevo, ? – Jerusalén, 1898), más en concreto, del Séfer Damésec Eli ͑éźer: Yoré de ͑á (Belgrado, 1865) y Séfer Damésec Eli ͑éźer: Yoré de ͑á (Jerusalén, 1884). Los textos normativos recogidos interpretan el fenómeno de la menstruación desde la perspectiva rabínica. Al mismo tiempo revelan algunas prácticas de las mujeres sefardíes del Imperio otomano, relacionadas con la separación entre hombre y mujer durante el periodo de impureza, la cuenta de siete días limpios, la inspección corporal, los preparativos para la inmersión y la purificación en el baño ritual.

Giuseppe Mandalà

El manuscrito Vat. ebr. 358 contiene el texto árabe escrito en caracteres hebreos de los apartados VI-X de la primera parte del Kitāb kāmil al-ṣinā ͑a al-ṭibbiyya (‘El libro perfecto del arte medico’). Esta última es la enciclopedia médica compuesta antes de 367/977-978 por ͑Alī ibn al- ͑Abbās al-Majūsī (m. 384/994 [?]). En el presente artículo se apunta, por primera vez, al lugar de producción del manuscrito, Trapani (Ṭrābaniš) en Sicilia. La ciudad aparece mencionada explícitamente en el colofón del manuscrito copiado el 26 de adar 5053 (13 de marzo 1293). Con este artículo se pretende contribuir al estudio de la circulación del conocimiento médico árabe entre los judíos sicilianos durante los siglos XII a XV.

Cecilia Wassén

Riv-Ellen Prell, David H. Weinberg

S. Garwood, J. Guttmann, D. W. Silverman

E. Bammel

G. Scholem

J. Neusner