This article addresses the persistent Eurocentrism in the national IR academies within the Global South, notwithstanding continued appeals for pluralization of the global field of IR. Focusing on the discipline of IR in Pakistan, the study explores the implications of Western intellectual dominance through in-depth interviews with local IR academics. The findings demonstrate a marked dependence on realist ideas (the classical strand in particular), which emphasize state-centric and security-focused views of world politics. This restricted approach corresponds with realpolitik because of its pragmatic focus on state security and interests, while ignoring broader theoretical assumptions. These realist ideas are sustained through academic norms, establishing a pattern which perpetuates Eurocentric perspectives in the Pakistani IR community. The article recognizes Western intellectual gatekeeping practices, and the national higher education system of Pakistan, as notable hindrances to the advancement of the discipline in Pakistan. Additionally, lax academic standards in local knowledge production, tied to professional progression, confine Pakistani IR academics to domestic publishing platforms. This discursive environment incentivizes state and security-oriented research, leading to IR scholarship in Pakistan that lacks originality and quality, remains predominantly Eurocentric, and primarily supports state security policies. The study underscores the necessity for a more diverse and contextually relevant approach to IR in Pakistan, which would better capture the country’s unique realities and contribute to a richer global discourse.
The Russian Art Gallery, a large federal museum, is being built in Sevastopol. The new museum will feature a collection of Russian art of the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries and art of the Global South. The gallery is part of a project to build cultural and educational centers in four Russian cities in order to decentralize cultural life and base it in the country’s regions. The Russian Art Gallery aspires to gradually introduce the art of the Global South to the public and potentially become a new cultural center that will set trends and make meaning. At the same time, the museum seeks its own unique character. When the museum opens, two exhibitions are to be organized to show a view of the same era from two different corners of the world. The exhibitions are expected to exhibit works by Aleksandr Deyneka who perceived a perfect society in his own unique way, and those by Diego Rivera, a renowned Mexican painter. The museum’s collection of contemporary Latin American art will be the first in Russia; therefore, it should represent all the main types of art and major cultural phenomena of Latin America and the Caribbean.
The small states’ foreign policy has long been a neglected topic in academic circles because the very definition of “small state” was discussed only after World War II. However, in the accelerated dynamics of global security, foreign policy of small states is gradually gaining importance. This study aims to clarify Serbia’s foreign policy orientation in the context of the security developments related to the Russian aggression in Ukraine, which has forced many states to reassess their security policy. Using a case study approach, the authors seek to highlight if Serbia’s foreign policy is built on the general premises of the small states’ foreign policy, and how its specific features enable Serbia’s balancing act. For this purpose, three characteristics of the small states’ foreign policy have been selected: military neutrality, efforts to join international organisations, and the commitment to fully respect international law. Based on expert interviews and the analysis carried out, the authors conclude that Serbia contradicts two theoretical assumptions about the foreign policy of these states, a fact that paradoxically helps Belgrade maintain close relations with both Brussels and Moscow. However, due to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, an easier path to the EU opens for Belgrade, and this type of foreign policy could therefore come to an end.
Østerrikes inntreden i Den europeiske union i 1995 har medført betydelige endringer i landets politiske, økonomiske, sosiale og kulturelle forhold. For å vurdere implikasjonene av EU-medlemskapet, gir denne artikkelen først en kort oversikt over EUs styresett for å undersøke Østerrikes handlingsrom til å forfølge sine interesser. Dette etterfølges av en diskusjon om hvordan Østerrikes medlemskap har påvirket utvalgte politikkområder, inkludert økonomi, landbruk og sikkerhetspolitikk, men også hvordan det har påvirket demokratiet og rollen til nasjonale parlamenter. I denne artikkelen viser vi at Østerrikes medlemskap i det indre marked og eurosonen i stor grad har påvirket landets monetære så vel som finanspolitiske suverenitet. Betydningen av EUs utenriks- og sikkerhetspolitikk for nasjonal politikk har vært mer beskjeden, gitt politikkområdets mellomstatlige karakter. På generelt grunnlag vil behovet for nasjonal tilpasning alltid være avhengig av forholdet mellom EU og nasjonale politiske strukturer (og grad av sammenfall rundt mål, prinsipper, prosedyrer og økonomiske instrumenter). Institusjonelt sett har EU-medlemskapet redusert de østerrikske lovgivende myndigheters rolle i politikkutformingen og samtidig styrket rollen til regjeringen og andre utøvende aktører.
The rank of a number in a residue number system indicates the count of transitions through a range when a number is converted to a positional number system and allows for more efficient non-modular operations and detection of values out of range. The main approach to calculate the rank is the use of the Chinese Remainder Theorem. In this article the approach which allows to compute the rank using a set of special numbers for which ranks are computed in advance is proposed. The simulation of the considered methods is done in the Python programming language. The results are analyzed and recommendations for further use of the proposed method are given.
Etter å ha gått seirende ut av «klimavalget 2021», står den rødgrønne regjeringen overfor oppgaven med å sikre Norges grønne omstilling. I den offentlige debatten står gjerne argumenter om global solidaritet og miljøhensyn fremst i begrunnelsene for nødvendigheten av en grønn omstilling, mens motstandere av et raskt skifte fokuserer på de negative økonomiske konsekvensene de mener et raskt skifte vil få for Norge. Denne artikkelen søker å nyansere dette bildet, og argumenterer for et bredere kost-nytte-perspektiv som også tar høyde for diplomatiske kostnader ved å fortsette med oljeleting, samt de økonomiske konsekvensene av en treg omstilling. Selv om man holder konsekvensene av klimaendringene helt utenfor vurderingen, argumenterer vi for at usikkerheten rundt fremtidig oljepris og omdømmerisikoen Norge løper ved å fortsette å basere økonomien på ikke-fornybare energikilder, burde være gode argumenter for å revurdere Norges oljepolitikk.
On September 8, 2022, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver hosted the Defence and Security Advisory Network (DSAN) workshop in which Dr. Joana Cook, Senior Project Manager at the International Centre for Counter-Terrorism (ICCT) and Editor-in-Chief of the ICCT Journal, presented on Assessing the Implications for Children in Violent Extremist Families. The presentation was followed by a moderated question-and-answer period in which the audience was able to deepen their understanding of the topic. The discussion centered around understanding the context of children who are affiliated with violent extremist (VE) groups so that practitioners can better support them and address their specific needs.
Svitlana Litvynchuk, Oleg Galenko, Alessio Cavicchi
et al.
Pumpkin seed flour is a promising raw material for use in the technology of various bakery products. It has a high biological value and valuable amino acid profile. During the technological process of making bread, there are conformational changes in the protein structure. The purpose of the study was to determine the effect of pumpkin seed flour on conformational changes in the structure of protein substances of dough and bread from wheat flour by near-infrared reflection spectroscopy. The protein profile changed to complete when replacing 10% or more of wheat flour because the score for all amino acids was higher than 100%. The utilitarian coefficient indicates the same balance of amino acids in proteins of all samples. As the percentage of substitution increases, the number of amino acids used for anabolic purposes decreases, and these are more fully utilized by the body.
Ontological security studies (OSS) in International Relations (IR) emphasize the role of identity, anxiety, and a sense of self in world politics. Yet suggesting that states act in certain ways because of ‘who they are’ also assumes that they are in fact states. In this article, I problematize the presupposition of state subjects in the context of separatist conflicts in which claims to statehood compete and overlap. Where unrecognized de facto states are pitted against their unyielding parent states, the two threaten each other’s very state personhood, thereby presenting a more radical challenge to their existence than traditional ‘physical’ and ‘ontological’ security threats. Separatist conflicts thus reveal a widely overlooked dimension of fundamental ontological security, provided by the constitution and recognition of states as such. Moreover, because of the exclusiveness of state subjects in the modern international order, any third parties attempting to resolve such conflicts inevitably face a meta-security dilemma whereby reassuring one side by confirming its claim to statehood simultaneously renders the other side radically insecure. Thus, rather than regarding particular state subjects as merely the starting point of quests for ontological security in international relations, they should also be understood as already their result.
Abstract In the article, we propose a comprehensive methodology of value chain analysis in the international input–output framework that introduces a new measure of value chain participation and an extended typology of value chains, with the novel inclusion of domestic value chain to address the extent of fragmentation of purely domestic production. This allows for the simultaneous analysis of both global and domestic production fragmentation, the complex patterns of their evolution and their impact on economic development. The main contribution of the proposed methodology is conceptual: it permits the measurement of all value chain paths that pass through each country-sector from production to final consumption, whether the path includes downstream linkages, upstream linkages or their combination. Empirical application of this methodology shows the importance of including domestic fragmentation in value chain analysis: The fragmentation of both global and domestic levels of production has a significant positive correlation with economic growth. This implies that the effects of global production fragmentation must be analysed together with the changing structure of the fragmentation of domestic production to obtain the whole picture, one that might provide important information for policymaking and industrial policy.
Economic growth, development, planning, Economics as a science
This comment reflects on "The Car Profession" research on the background of previous sociological investigations on Fiat factories and with references to parallel international debates. By looking at the historical, industrial relations and organizational aspects, it frames the question of why labour at Fiat appeared more successful in the "domestication" of Fordism than in that of post-Fordism, and outlines some avenues for further research on this question.
Introduction. The author examines the insufficiently studied period of diplomatic communicationsof the Moscow Tsardom and the Crimean Khanate after Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov’s enthronement, which led to establishing relatively peaceful mutual relations between them at the final stage of military and political confrontation of Russia with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Swedish Crown.
Materials. The paper reveals the circumstances of establishing contractual relations between Moscow and Bakhchysarai on the basis of unpublished sources. The information from the columns of 1613–1614 about the stay of the embassy of A. Lodyzhensky and P. Danilov in the Crimea from autumn of 1613 to July 1614, the preparation and holding of the embassy congress and exchange of ambassadors at Livny in August 1614, the stay of the embassy of Prince G.K. Volkonsky and P. Ovdokimov in the Crimea in August 1614 – June 1615, the stay of Magmet Chelebi’s embassy in Moscow in September 1614 – March 1615 and, finally, the embassy exchange under Valuyki in July 1615 form a single set of documents that let us trace the course of diplomatic relations between the Moscow Tsardom and the Crimean Khanate in 1613–1615. The decisive stage in difficult and tense diplomatic negotiations of the parties in this period, in our opinion, is the stay of the embassy of Prince Grigory Konstantinovich Volkonsky and clerk Peter Ovdokimov in the Crimea.
Results. This article shows the role of relations with the Crimea in general foreign policy of the government of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich and in the restoration of military and political control over the Lower Volga Region territory.
History of Russia. Soviet Union. Former Soviet Republics, International relations
En español
El autor nos señala como la devaluación del rublo, la suspensión de pagos de las deudas privadas externas, y el reescalonamiento de las obligaciones del Estado decretadas por el gobierno de Serguei Kirienko el pasado 17 de agosto, sumen a la Federación de Rusia en su más grave crisis tanto en lo económico financiero como en lo político-institucional, desde el desmembramiento de la Unión Soviética en diciembre de 1991. La importancia de un país sucesor de dos imperios (ruso y soviético) que pese a sus problemas sigue siendo un actor relevante en la comunidad internacional.
En inglés
The author analyses how the devaluation of the ruble, the interruption of payment of private external debts and the renegotiation of State duties resolved by Serguei Kirienko s government last 17 August have plunged the Russian Federation into the hardest crisis ever lived since the USSR dissolution in December 1991. The importance of a country which becomes the successor of two empires (the Russian and the Soviet empires) continues to be of relevance to the international community, in spite of this country s internal problems.
Great achievements of the past hold invaluable lessons for the future. Often we deify the leader and celebrate the outcome, but overlook the underlying principles they reflect. The American Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 60s is a testimony to the combined power of an idea, the catalytic role of dedicated individuals and the power of token actions in extreme circumstances. The idea of non-violence and civil disobedience propounded by Thoreau and successfully implemented by Mahatma Gandhi showed that it is possible for an unarmed, untrained and loosely organized group to take on a powerful, well armed, well trained force, with minimum casualties on either side and maximum chances of reconciliation in the future. An idea acquires power when it touches the emotions. Martin Luther King Jr. imparted those emotions and inspired them in other people. In rising to be the leader of the movement, he represented the peak of the mountain or the tip of the iceberg composed of millions of African Americans who aspired for a better life and the millions more around the world who supported his cause formed the base that held up the peak. It was their aspiration that gave power to his words and actions. King identified with the conscious, and often subconscious aspiration of African Americans and channelized their energy into a force, organized it as the Civil Rights Movement, and transformed it into an irresistible power. Insightfully, he realized that a violent solution to the problem of discrimination would only deepen the fissures in American society and lengthen the healing process. Every single act that was undertaken in the movement by individuals and groups—Rosa Parks refusing to give up her seat on a bus, the Little Rock Nine courageously attending school though the Arkansas state National Guards blocked the entrance, everyone of the 250,000 people assembling in Washington DC to hear King’s dream—exhausted whatever significant or insignificant resources were available and in that sense became a perfect token act. A strong individual inspired by a powerful idea led people in well planned and perfectly organized sit-ins, stand-ins, marches, speeches, prayers and protests. The movement generated such power as to alter the legislation of the land, and more significantly, the mindset that tolerated or approved of racism. Although many contributed to this remarkable achievement, King’s actions testify to that fact that one man’s commitment can change the world. But it equally reveals the power of a mass movement directed to advance social progress. This accomplishment continues to inspire activists all over the world and confirms the inevitability of the success of movements that strive for universal human rights. It illustrates the process and defines the strategy needed for the future evolution of global society and human unity.
International relations, Economic growth, development, planning
Ana Emaides, María Liliana Salerno, María Daniela Paredes
Los indicadores de aplicación y cumplimiento de la normativa ambiental, llamados de desempeño de la gestión ambiental, permiten dar seguimiento y monitoreo a las normas ambientales vinculadas al estado de recursos y regulaciones de la actividad productiva. Los indicadores son importantes para el uso sostenible y el manejo de los recursos ambientales, y pueden orientar la formulación de políticas públicas al proporcionar una valiosa información acerca del estado actual de los recursos a evaluar y de la intensidad y la dirección de los posibles cambios. Contar con un sistema de indicadores sobre el estado y tendencias del desarrollo sostenible en el país, aplicables a distintos niveles y escalas, debe constituirse en elemento esencial para la generación de políticas públicas. Por ello, en el año 2008 evaluamos parte de la realidad institucional ambiental, en la Ciudad de Villa María. Realizamos una evaluación del estado de situación de los indicadores de gestión ambiental, pasados nueve años de la anterior.
Thomas Biersteker graduated from Chicago University (BF in Political Science) and MIT (MA in Political Science) and got PhD in Political Science in MIT as well. Later professor Biersteker lectured in Yale University (1976-1985), South Carolina University (1985-1992) and Brown University (1992-2006). He could be described as a constructivist focusing his research on global governance, international organizations and transnational policy networks, construction of sovereignty and regimes of targeted sanctions. Professor Birsteker kindly agreed to give an interview to the “MGIMO Review of International Relations” during a seminar within the research project - Grant of RFBR No. 16-23-41004. The seminar was also attended by M.M. Lebedeva, Yu.A. Nikitin, A.I. Nikitin, I.A. Istomin.
This paper addresses the military and political aspect of the Turkish siege of Constantinople in 1422 AD, when the Ottomans gained valuable experience to use it later, in the final battle of 1453. The research is based on the analysis of fifteenth-century Byzantine historical and rhetorical works. The author of this paper has reconstructed the course of the siege and the main stages of preparation to the decisive assault, has analysed the enemy’s military plans, the alignment of forces and tactical ploys of siege warfare, the specificities of Ottoman weaponry, and the sides’ actions during the assault. Attention has been paid to the Byzantines’ behaviour in the period of military conflict and the emperors’ political actions for the conflict resolution. The history of the siege and assault of the Byzantine capital in 1422 has been placed into the political context of the period in question, and has been uncovered as a stage in the development of the Byzantine-Ottoman relations in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth century. The paper concludes that the Ottomans’ rout resulted from a series of circumstances: the perfection of the fortification system of Constantinople, total mobilization of the metropolitan population, the lack of maritime blockade, and the rebel in the rear of the Ottomans starting not without a help from the Byzantines, all of this allowed the city to withstand. The siege was relieved; however, the situation in foreign policy was still difficult for Byzantium, thus making the emperor to search for peace with the sultan.
History of Russia. Soviet Union. Former Soviet Republics, International relations