Amin Rais Harahap, Katimin Katimin, Hasrat Efendi Samosir
This study aims to analyze the role and influence of political advertising in Indonesia’s general elections, focusing on how it shapes public opinion, sets the political agenda, and frames candidate images. Utilizing Political Communication Theory, Agenda Setting Theory, and Framing Theory as the theoretical framework, the research explores the strategic use of political advertisements across traditional and digital media platforms. Employing a qualitative approach through literature review and content analysis, the study examines secondary data from academic journals, official election reports, legal regulations, and media publications. The analysis reveals that political advertising in Indonesia functions not merely as a promotional tool but as a strategic instrument to influence voter perceptions and behavior, prioritizing certain political issues while framing narratives that align with candidates’ desired images.Findings show that while political ads effectively elevate issues like the economy and corruption in public discourse, they often emphasize candidate personalization and emotional appeals over substantive policy discussions. The rise of digital media and microtargeting techniques further intensifies the reach and segmentation of political messages, raising concerns about misinformation and social polarization. The study concludes that effective political advertising integrates message credibility, media channel selection, agenda-setting, and framing strategies tailored to the socio-political context. It underscores the need for adaptive regulatory frameworks to ensure transparency and fairness in political communication, thereby contributing to a more informed electorate and healthier democratic processes in Indonesia.
In political science today, the notions of “governance“ and “good governance“ compete as synonyms. The negative connotations of the first term (from the sphere of significance of the idea of leadership, or also care for one or more minors or immatures of any age, apprentices, etc.) are clear. That is why the preference for the phrase “good governance“ is justified, it is democratic, it is even a correct ethical preference. Extremely suggestive of “good governance“ is the image of the good steering of a ship at sea (κυβερνάω), protecting it from rocks and any other dangers and ensuring it a maximum advance with as little consumption as possible, an image also consistent with the etymology involved for governance that we choose to translate by the phrase “good governance“. The complexity of the topic is addressed via a multitude of aspects and directions of analysis including, but not limited to, the differences between “digitalization“ and “digitization“ , the Council of Europe view on digital good governance, the recommendations made by OECD in the Romanian situation in what concerns digitalization, the case of “Ion“, the IA governance adviser etc. The study concludes that digital good governance should ensure and not challenge in any way the defining characteristics of good governance: participation, rule of law, transparency, responsiveness, the orientation towards consensus social inclusion efficiency and efficacity, accountability, the guaranty of human rights and good practices. The governing of the digital space and of the algorithms should prevail over the governance of the citizens by the algorithms.
Camille Boulanguer, Sarah Goldman, Maya Jandah
et al.
In a 2019 New York Times article, Paul Krugman declared himself a “crypto skeptic” and shared his pessimistic predictions for cryptocurrencies. Nevertheless, unbacked cryptomoney is now very important in our societies and has revolutionized the monetary and financial landscape as exemplified by the increased pressure from competent regulators to monitor and regulate it. Cryptocurrencies are described by their high volatility that permits regulators to define them as non-safe financial assets when it comes to energy consumption. The anonymous property of cryptocurrencies opens the door to tax evasion, making it especially susceptible to avoiding environment-related taxes aimed at tackling negative impact of climate change. Against this background, the paper sets a twofold aim: to demonstrate that unbacked cryptomoney is volatile and it may pose a threat to financial and fiscal stability; and to develop the idea that, given their different degrees of anonymity and their decentralisation nature, cryptocurrencies could actively participate in the process of tax evasion and therefore incur high costs for countries. Given the general ecological condition and ensuing concerns, it is clear that avoiding eco-taxes represents a serious issue since money from eco-taxation could have been invested in environmental social and governance projects. Therefore, a clear and compelling legal framework should be implemented worldwide to reduce the tax evasion phenomena via cryptomoney channels.
Victor Gabriel Menezes Menegassi, Naiara Sandi de Almeida Alcantara
The rise of conservative politicians with authoritarian attitudes, not only in Brazil, but in several countries around the world, may be part of the cultural backlash of a social group unhappy with recent cultural changes. These leaders who are not able to exercise democratic governance are in line with the increase in political intolerance. Therefore, our goal is precisely to connect the research agenda on adherence to democratic norms and tolerance, in order to verify the existence of this relationship in Brazil. For this, we use quantitative analysis te-chniques, through the empirical material provided by the Latin American Public Opinion Project. We start from the hypothesis that individuals who adhere more to democratic norms tend to be more tolerant towards minority groups. Among the results, we verified the existence of a highly significant relationship between the variables tested, that is, Democrats tend to be more tolerate.
Political science (General), Social sciences (General)
This paper offers a critical and historical analysis of the transformation of citizenship in China in a way that challenges both legal orientalism and the overall discourse on Chinese “characteristics” and “exceptionalism”. It aims to uncover how citizenship has been transformed “structurally” (Solinger 1999) as well as through “acts of citizenship” (Jakimow 2012). The paper will therefore not only look at how the One-Party State defines citizenship, uses it as an instrument of repression and population control, but also how citizens themselves can contribute to a new narrative on citizenship and driver of contestation in China. The paper will argue that the transformation of citizenship has contributed to the reinforcement of the fragmented and transnational nature of Chinese citizenship.
Social pathology. Social and public welfare. Criminology, Political institutions and public administration (General)
La noción de plan general que contienen todas las leyes de las Comunidades Autónomas está obsoleta porque no responde a las necesidades públicas. El trabajo propugna una nueva visión jurídica de la planificación desligada de la asignación de derechos y acorde con las tendencias predominantes del derecho comparado.
Political science, Political institutions and public administration (General)
La aprobación de la Ley 39/2015, de 1 de octubre, del Procedimiento Administrativo Común de las Administraciones Públicas, supone la introducción de un nuevo trámite de consulta pública previa en el procedimiento de elaboración de normas con rango legal y reglamentario, regulado en su artículo 133. Este trámite, de carácter preceptivo, refuerza la participación ciudadana, al garantizarse en una fase muy temprana, previa al procedimiento normativo en sentido propio, cuando todavía no existe una propuesta redactada del proyecto o anteproyecto de ley o de reglamento y todas las opciones están abiertas. Sin embargo, nada dice este precepto sobre los efectos jurídicos que se anudan a la omisión –o práctica inadecuada– de la consulta pública previa, a pesar de ser ésta una cuestión de gran relevancia y que, en el fondo, determina la efectividad real de este trámite. Sobre esta cuestión versa este trabajo que, ante el silencio de la LPACAP, pretende aportar herramientas a los operadores jurídicos que ilustren sobre cuáles deben ser los efectos jurídicos de la omisión de este trámite en el procedimiento de elaboración de normas reglamentarias. Con este fin, se analizan tanto las diferentes interpretaciones ofrecidas por la doctrina como la jurisprudencia recaída hasta el momento.
Political science, Political institutions and public administration (General)
The State of Nationalism (SoN) seeks to create a comprehensive guide to nationalism. This installment of SoN is dedicated to a review and annotated bibliography about 'Social Class'.
History (General) and history of Europe, Political science
Este artículo se concentra en el análisis de los estereotipos de género que telenovelas innovadoras como Café con aroma de mujer, Nada personal, Mirada de mujer y Demaciado corazón hacen. Estas telenovelas representan un verdadero parteaguas en la historia de las telenovelas mexicanas y en gran medida surgen como respuestas a las demandas democratizantes del país. En un primer término, el estudio se abocará al análisis de las responsabilidades sociales que le competen a la televisión y consecuentemente a la telenovelas.
Elísio Augusto Velloso Bastos, Caroline Figueiredo Lima
A dinâmica política dos países latino-americanos, é extremamente complexa. Tal desenvoltura deve-se à ampla gama de povos e culturas que compartilham do mesmo ambiente humano, trocando experiências e modos de vida diversificados. Os povos originários principalmente, encontram na Bolívia um momento de forte impacto de políticas públicas oriundas do novo momento constitucional que o país enfrenta desde a promulgação de sua mais recente Constituição (2009). Assim, a partir de uma metodologia hipotético-dedutiva, análise bibliográfica e constitucional desse Estado, o presente estudo dedica-se a apontar os marcos do constitucionalismo latino-americano com foco específico sobre o Estado Plurinacional da Bolívia. Os resultados apontam essencialmente para um protagonismo crescente desses indivíduos tradicionais, por intermédio de políticas públicas de incentivo à participação política e assistência jurídica representativa de sua cultura e cosmovisão.
Law in general. Comparative and uniform law. Jurisprudence, International relations
Піднято та всебічно проаналізовано проблему ефективного управління ризиками кредитних портфелів банків України. Обґрунтовано, що недосконала стратегія і тактика організації ризик-менеджменту в банках призвела до виникнення фінансових і репутаційних втрат банків. Доведено, що наявність високого рівня непрацюючих кредитів у банках усіх форм власності створює перешкоди для розвитку банківської системи і заважає її прогресивному реформуванню. Недостатнє охоплення і глибина наявних у банках систем управління ризиками змушує витрачати додаткові ресурси на їхню підтримку, відволікаючи їх від інших цілей. Акцентовано важливість ефективної взаємодії між керівництвом і персоналом банку як невід’ємного елементу зворотного зв’язку, необхідного для якісного функціонування систем ризик-менеджменту. Розкрито роль мотивації працівників банку на всіх рівнях підпорядкування в забезпеченні удосконалення діючих систем управління банківськими ризиками. Розглянуто теоретичні та практичні питання управління ризиками кредитних портфелів комерційних банків з урахуванням факторів їх утворення. Розкрито сутність взаємозв’язку між поняттями «структура», «якість» і «ризик», виділено низку ризиків, що впливають на формування банківського кредитного портфеля. Досліджено законодавчі аспекти
регулювання кредитної діяльності банків України. Дано оцінку доцільності застосування нових вимог організації управління ризиками в банках України. Проаналізовано рівень кредитного ризику банківської системи країни та запропоновано підходи до мінімізації та ліквідації ризиків кредитної діяльності банків. Класифіковано учасників утворення репутаційного ризику банків. Окреслено структурні елементи ефективної системи управління банківськими ризиками. Обґрунтовано необхідність побудови комплексної системи фінансової безпеки банку для боротьби з шахрайством. Розвиток інформаційних технологій дозволяє не тільки підвищити якість банківських послуг, а й з кожним роком розширює коло інструментів, що несуть потенційну небезпеку інтересам установи. Висвітлено актуальність упровадження інноваційних банківських продуктів та послуг як важливої складової розвитку банківської системи.
Education (General), Theory and practice of education
Abstract Research in environmental epigenetics explores how environmental exposures and life experiences such as food, toxins, stress or trauma can shape trajectories of human health and well-being in complex ways. This perspective resonates with social science expertise on the significant health impacts of unequal living conditions and the profound influence of social life on bodies in general. Environmental epigenetics could thus provide an important opportunity for moving beyond long-standing debates about nature versus nurture between the disciplines and think instead in ‘biosocial’ terms across the disciplines. Yet, beyond enthusiasm for such novel interdisciplinary opportunities, it is crucial to also reflect on the scientific, social and political challenges that a biosocial model of body, health and illness might entail. In this paper, we contribute historical and social science perspectives on the political opportunities and challenges afforded by a biosocial conception of the body. We will specifically focus on what it means if biosocial plasticity is not only perceived to characterize the life of individuals but also as possibly giving rise to semi-stable traits that can be passed on to future generations. That is, we will consider the historical, social and political valences of the scientific proposition of transgenerational epigenetic inheritance. The key question that animates this article is if and how the notion of transgenerational epigenetic inheritance creates new forms of responsibilities both in science and in society. We propose that, ultimately, interdisciplinary conversation and collaboration is essential for responsible approaches to transgenerational epigenetic inheritance in science and society.
The article deals with the question of how non-Christians were represented in premodern Canon law, under which aspects historical research (especially as regards the history of Canon law) has dealt with them so far and how or on under what conditions did it arrive at its conclusions. First, the current state of research as regards the history of Canon law, in general, and the status of non-Christians, in particular, are considered. Then, the focus turns to the semantics and the concept of the infidel in the legal as well as theological tradition of the Catholic Church. As a third step, the project of a bibliography on the status of non-Christians in the normative culture of the Catholic Church between Antiquity and modern times as well as some insights into the history of research gained in the course of the respective bibliographical studies will be presented. The last part of the article takes a closer look at two methodological aspects of research, namely the problem of anachronistic terms and contemporary aspects of valuation.
The aim of this article is, referring to the documents from Russian State Archive of Social Political History and other sources, to reveal how the leaders of the Central Committee of the All-Soviet Union Communist party (bolsheviks) and officers from the Central Committee apparatus valued manifestations of national communism demonstrated by J. Paleckis and his conflicts concerning the issues of sovietization of Lithuania with A. Sniečkus. The other purpose of this paper is to find out whether J. Paleckis, emphasizing specific conditions in Lithuania and wishing to mitigate the course of sovietization, received any support from the leaders in the Kremlin; why A. Sniečkus, who used to criticize J. Paleckis, did not try to remove him from the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party or dismiss him from the position of the chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic. This article presents efforts made by J. Paleckis in order to find allies in Moscow, establish patron-client type relationship with Andrei Zhdanov, a secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Soviet Union Communist party (bolsheviks).
The analysis of the sources allows us to draw some conclusions. It could be maintained that the secretaries of the Central Committee of the All-Soviet Union Communist party (bolsheviks) and leaders of divisions of the Central Committee apparatus closely watched the conflict displayed between J. Paleckis and A. Sniečkus and the majority of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party (bolsheviks) led by the latter. These communists were anxious for unhealthy working climate in the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party (bolsheviks). J. Paleckis‘s political conflicts were caused by manifestation of his national communism ideology, tendency to take care of local interests and his intersection with strict Marxist classic position taken by A. Sniečkus and by majority of other members of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party (bolsheviks).
It could be stated that political “heresy” of J. Paleckis, who was involved into a risky political games behind the scenes in order to make efforts and mitigate the course of sovietization policy, and his proposals to write into the agenda some elements of national communism seemed to the leaders of the Central Committee of the All-Soviet Union Communist party (bolsheviks) not just unnecessary but even hazardous. J. Paleckis’s attitude did not comply with provisions and interests of the authorities in the Kremlin, therefore, his efforts were not supported and were valued only negatively.
On the other hand, the line of sovietization of Lithuania, to which A. Sniečkus adhered and his methods of governing the party, substantially coincided with the principal position of the authorities of the USSR, as well as with the general line of the Communist party, and, therefore, a prospect of losing the post of the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party was negligible. J. Paleckis‘s efforts to compete with A. Sniečkus strengthened the authority of the latter. The first secretary of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party deliberately avoided taking considerable sanctions against J. Paleckis, he did not seek to dismiss J. Paleckis from the position occupied. This would have not been beneficial to A. Sniečkus, because a potential strike from Moscow could be directed against J. Paleckis, a “nationalist” and “heretic”. If J. Paleckis had been removed from the political arena, nobody would have covered A. Sniečkus against potential Moscow repressions. Continuous stress caused by confrontation with J. Paleckis allowed A. Sniečkus to manifest himself as a flawless implementer of political line of the Centre and, because of this, to enhance his position as the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party.