Hasil untuk "Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)"

Jonathan Rystrøm, Chris Schmitz, Karolina Korgul et al.

Deploying Large Language Model-based agents (LLM agents) in the public sector requires assuring that they meet the stringent legal, procedural, and structural requirements of public-sector institutions. Practitioners and researchers often turn to benchmarks for such assessments. However, it remains unclear what criteria benchmarks must meet to ensure they adequately reflect public-sector requirements, or how many existing benchmarks do so. In this paper, we first define such criteria based on a first-principles survey of public administration literature: benchmarks must be \emph{process-based}, \emph{realistic}, \emph{public-sector-specific} and report \emph{metrics} that reflect the unique requirements of the public sector. We analyse more than 1,300 benchmark papers for these criteria using an expert-validated LLM-assisted pipeline. Our results show that no single benchmark meets all of the criteria. Our findings provide a call to action for both researchers to develop public sector-relevant benchmarks and for public-sector officials to apply these criteria when evaluating their own agentic use cases.

Antoine Vendeville, Jimena Royo-Letelier, Duncan Cassells et al.

Studying political activity on social media often requires defining and measuring political stances of users or content. Relevant examples include the study of opinion polarization, or the study of political diversity in online content diets. While many research designs rely on operationalizations best suited for the US setting, few allow addressing more general political systems, in which users and media outlets might exhibit stances on multiple ideology and issue dimensions, going beyond traditional Liberal-Conservative or Left-Right scales. To advance the study of more general online ecosystems, we present a dataset pertaining to a population of X/Twitter users, parliamentarians, and media outlets embedded in a political space spanned by dimensions measuring attitudes towards immigration, the EU, liberal values, elites and institutions, nationalism and the environment, in addition to left-right and liberal-conservative scales. We include indicators of individual activity and popularity: mean number of posts per day, number of followers, and number of followees. We provide several benchmarks validating the positions of these entities and discuss several applications for this dataset.

Stanislaus Risadi Apresian

Indonesia actively supports the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change to achieve the Global Goal on Adaptation by setting ambitious climate change adaptation pledges in its Nationally Determined Contributions. This paper explores the implementation of those adaptation commitments within a polycentric governance structure in Indonesia. There is a debate about whether polycentric institutions help or hinder the effectiveness of adaptation outcomes. The question remains, why is the implementation of climate change adaptation policies in Indonesia ineffective? This paper argues that the contestation between the National Development Planning Agency and the Ministry of Environment and Forestry, as two dominant ministries in adaptation, has beset the polycentric structure of adaptation governance in Indonesia and resulted in ineffective adaptation policy implementation. Moreover, the polycentric adaptation governance is ineffective because Indonesia is still facing problems in coordination, collaboration, policy learning, leadership, resource distribution, and dispersion of power.

Baazr A. Bicheev, Urnukhdelger Dashzeveg

Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of the religious and mythological tradition of the Oirats, which underlies their ethnic worldview. The purpose of the study is to identify the relationship of different stages in the structure of archaic myths that appeared after the Oirats adopted the Buddhism. Materials and methods. The main material of the study are samples of the Oirats’ myths of Xinjiang, published in folklore collections and periodicals in “clear writing” in the second half of the last century. The analysis of such samples of oral creativity necessitates the use of not only traditional methods of studying oral literature, but also an interdisciplinary approach that allows us to identify the regular processes that ensures the selection and preservation of certain plots and the stability of the religious and mythological tradition. Results. Historical and cultural ties of the Oirats go deep into the ancient history of the Turco-Mongol peoples of Central Asia. As a result, in their mythology and fairy-tale folklore we can see different layers of archaic myths, ancient religious views and Buddhist mythology. In the content of a number of mythological and fairy-tale plots, in which the intersection of moral and religious principles of Buddhism with oral tradition is observed, the characters are both Buddha himself and other deities of the Buddhist pantheon. Analysis of the texts of Oirat myths shows that the coexistence of the oral artistic system with Buddhist literature led to the natural introduction of the Buddhist view of the world into all aspects of the spiritual life of the Oirat ethnic group, including the structure and content of archaic myths.

Alhilal Yusril Hawari, Utang Suwaryo, Dede Sri Kartini

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi karakteristik smart environment dalam penggunaan Internet, Bertujuan mendukung E-Government yang menggunakan database Scopus dari tahun 2015 hingga 2023. Penelitian ini menggunakan teknik bibliometrik dimana publikasinya diambil dari database Scopus dan dianalisis dari tahun 2015 hingga 2023. menggunakan Citespace. Jumlah data yang diperoleh dan digunakan dalam penelitian ini sebanyak 3365, dengan penggunaan kata kunci pada dokumen ini adalah Smart Environment dan Internet Of Things. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa terdapat 10 cluster yang didominasi oleh penulis Darmstadt, DE, dengan topik Smart Environment; penelitian ini dapat menjadi bahan referensi untuk penelitian lebih lanjut mengenai subjek Smart Environment dan Internet of Things E-Government, Kesimpulan yang didapatkan bahwa jumlah analisis data berjumlah 3365 data yang diambil dari data Scopus tahun 2015. -2023 yang menunjukkan adanya 10 cluster.

Sergey G. Ershov

Introduction. The article is devoted to the Red Army soldiers from Kalmykia who died, went missing, died and/or were awarded in the battles for the defense of Belarus in 1941 and its liberation in 1943–1944, as well as historical and statistical research of their collective portrait. Materials and methods. When writing the article, a complex of various general scientific and special methods was used, including historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-typological, historical-systemic, and statistical methods. The materials for the work were the office documentation of the military units of the Red Army (stored in the electronic data banks Memorial, Feat of the People and Memory of the People), primarily reports on losses and award documents. Results. During the research, a database of Red Army servicemen from the Kalmyk ASSR who died, went missing, died of wounds and/or were awarded in the battles for Belarus in the summer of 1941 and in September 1943 – September 1944 was compiled on the basis of various sources. Following this, an analysis of their collective portrait was carried out in such categories as place and year of birth, place of conscription, time and place of death, place of service, time and number of awards. Conclusions. The analysis shows that the Red Army soldiers from Kalmykia actively participated in the battles for the defense of Belarus in the summer of 1941 and its liberation in 1943–1944. At the same time, the losses in the defensive battles of 1941 (among which the absolute majority are captured) exceed the losses in the offensive battles of 1943–1944. At the same time, an analysis of losses and awards in 1944 shows that the proportion of Kalmyks by the beginning of the strategic operation Bagration had noticeably decreased due to the mass removal of Kalmyks and their deportation to the Shiroklag or places of special settlements.

Erik Weber, Jérôme Rutinowski, Niklas Jost et al.

This work investigates the political biases and personality traits of ChatGPT, specifically comparing GPT-3.5 to GPT-4. In addition, the ability of the models to emulate political viewpoints (e.g., liberal or conservative positions) is analyzed. The Political Compass Test and the Big Five Personality Test were employed 100 times for each scenario, providing statistically significant results and an insight into the results correlations. The responses were analyzed by computing averages, standard deviations, and performing significance tests to investigate differences between GPT-3.5 and GPT-4. Correlations were found for traits that have been shown to be interdependent in human studies. Both models showed a progressive and libertarian political bias, with GPT-4's biases being slightly, but negligibly, less pronounced. Specifically, on the Political Compass, GPT-3.5 scored -6.59 on the economic axis and -6.07 on the social axis, whereas GPT-4 scored -5.40 and -4.73. In contrast to GPT-3.5, GPT-4 showed a remarkable capacity to emulate assigned political viewpoints, accurately reflecting the assigned quadrant (libertarian-left, libertarian-right, authoritarian-left, authoritarian-right) in all four tested instances. On the Big Five Personality Test, GPT-3.5 showed highly pronounced Openness and Agreeableness traits (O: 85.9%, A: 84.6%). Such pronounced traits correlate with libertarian views in human studies. While GPT-4 overall exhibited less pronounced Big Five personality traits, it did show a notably higher Neuroticism score. Assigned political orientations influenced Openness, Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness, again reflecting interdependencies observed in human studies. Finally, we observed that test sequencing affected ChatGPT's responses and the observed correlations, indicating a form of contextual memory.

Hongzhou Chen, Xiaolin Duan, Abdulmotaleb El Saddik et al.

Harnessing the transparent blockchain user behavior data, we construct the Political Betting Leaning Score (PBLS) to measure political leanings based on betting within Web3 prediction markets. Focusing on Polymarket and starting from the 2024 U.S. Presidential Election, we synthesize behaviors over 15,000 addresses across 4,500 events and 8,500 markets, capturing the intensity and direction of their political leanings by the PBLS. We validate the PBLS through internal consistency checks and external comparisons. We uncover relationships between our PBLS and betting behaviors through over 800 features capturing various behavioral aspects. A case study of the 2022 U.S. Senate election further demonstrates the ability of our measurement while decoding the dynamic interaction between political and profitable motives. Our findings contribute to understanding decision-making in decentralized markets, enhancing the analysis of behaviors within Web3 prediction environments. The insights of this study reveal the potential of blockchain in enabling innovative, multidisciplinary studies and could inform the development of more effective online prediction markets, improve the accuracy of forecast, and help the design and optimization of platform mechanisms. The data and code for the paper are accessible at the following link: https://github.com/anonymous.

Stanley Cao, Felix Drinkall

Stance detection is a crucial NLP task with numerous applications in social science, from analyzing online discussions to assessing political campaigns. This paper investigates the optimal way to incorporate metadata into a political stance detection task. We demonstrate that previous methods combining metadata with language-based data for political stance detection have not fully utilized the metadata information; our simple baseline, using only party membership information, surpasses the current state-of-the-art. We then show that prepending metadata (e.g., party and policy) to political speeches performs best, outperforming all baselines, indicating that complex metadata inclusion systems may not learn the task optimally.

Mahdi Goldani

Political stability is crucial for the socioeconomic development of nations, particularly in geopolitically sensitive regions such as the Gulf Cooperation Council Countries, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, and Bahrain. This study focuses on predicting the political stability index for these six countries using machine learning techniques. The study uses data from the World Banks comprehensive dataset, comprising 266 indicators covering economic, political, social, and environmental factors. Employing the Edit Distance on Real Sequence method for feature selection and XGBoost for model training, the study forecasts political stability trends for the next five years. The model achieves high accuracy, with mean absolute percentage error values under 10, indicating reliable predictions. The forecasts suggest that Oman, the UAE, and Qatar will experience relatively stable political conditions, while Saudi Arabia and Bahrain may continue to face negative political stability indices. The findings underscore the significance of economic factors such as GDP and foreign investment, along with variables related to military expenditure and international tourism, as key predictors of political stability. These results provide valuable insights for policymakers, enabling proactive measures to enhance governance and mitigate potential risks.

Florian Aichinger, Sascha Desmettre

Geometric Asian options are a type of options where the payoff depends on the geometric mean of the underlying asset over a certain period of time. This paper is concerned with the pricing of such options for the class of Volterra-Heston models, covering the rough Heston model. We are able to derive semi-closed formulas for the prices of geometric Asian options with fixed and floating strikes for this class of stochastic volatility models. These formulas require the explicit calculation of the conditional joint Fourier transform of the logarithm of the stock price and the logarithm of the geometric mean of the stock price over time. Linking our problem to the theory of affine Volterra processes, we find a representation of this Fourier transform as a suitably constructed stochastic exponential, which depends on the solution of a Riccati-Volterra equation. Finally we provide a numerical study for our results in the rough Heston model.

Gabriela Juncosa, Taha Yasseri, Julia Koltai et al.

Quantifying how individuals react to social influence is crucial for tackling collective political behavior online. While many studies of opinion in public forums focus on social feedback, they often overlook the potential for human interactions to result in self-censorship. Here, we investigate political deliberation in online spaces by exploring the hypothesis that individuals may refrain from expressing minority opinions publicly due to being exposed to toxic behavior. Analyzing conversations under YouTube videos from six prominent US news outlets around the 2020 US presidential elections, we observe patterns of self-censorship signaling the influence of peer toxicity on users' behavior. Using hidden Markov models, we identify a latent state consistent with toxicity-driven silence. Such state is characterized by reduced user activity and a higher likelihood of posting toxic content, indicating an environment where extreme and antisocial behaviors thrive. Our findings offer insights into the intricacies of online political deliberation and emphasize the importance of considering self-censorship dynamics to properly characterize ideological polarization in digital spheres.

Wanfa Zhang, Sugumaran Narayanan, Feng Sun

Since the suppression of the student movement in 1989, there has not been any anti-regime or pro-democracy student movement for over three decades in China. What does this suggest? Apart from the known strengthened campus control by the authority which might have forestalled it to some extent, are there alternative reasons? Has the government drawn lessons from the past and since improved its governance, thus effectively enervated student motives to challenge the government? In order to demystify what is behind, the researchers conducted an extensive survey at over thirty-five universities across China from 2015 through 2018. Through analysing the 1,859 valid responses received, the study found that current college students give a high approval rating to the status quo of the country, and they also hold strong optimism for the future. This result may indicate that there is no strong incentive for them, like the generation of the students in the 1980s, to push forward any dramatic political, economic and social changes. The West may need to take this prospect into consideration in their interactions with China, which may enjoy a long period of relative stability without political challenges from college students in the foreseeable future.

Fei Zuo, Junghwan Rhee, Myungah Park et al.

In the past few years, an incident response-oriented cybersecurity program has been constructed at University of Central Oklahoma. As a core course in the newly-established curricula, Secure System Administration focuses on the essential knowledge and skill set for system administration. To enrich students with hands-on experience, we also develop a companion coursework project, named PowerGrader. In this paper, we present the course structure as well as the companion project design. Additionally, we survey the pertinent criterion and curriculum requirements from the widely recognized accreditation units. By this means, we demonstrate the importance of a secure system administration course within the context of cybersecurity education.

Sofía M del Pozo, Sebastián Pinto, Matteo Serafino et al.

In an era marked by an abundance of news sources, access to information significantly influences public opinion. Notably, the bias of news sources often serves as an indicator of individuals' political leanings. This study explores this hypothesis by examining the news sharing behavior of politically active social media users, whose political ideologies were identified in a previous study. Using correspondence analysis, we estimate the Media Sharing Index (MSI), a measure that captures bias in media outlets and user preferences within a hidden space. During Argentina's 2019 election on Twitter, we observed a predictable pattern: center-right individuals predominantly shared media from center-right biased outlets. However, it is noteworthy that those with center-left inclinations displayed a more diverse media consumption, which is a significant finding. Despite a noticeable polarization based on political affiliation observed in a retweet network analysis, center-left users showed more diverse media sharing preferences, particularly concerning the MSI. Although these findings are specific to Argentina, the developed methodology can be applied in other countries to assess the correlation between users' political leanings and the media they share.

Emmanouil Papadogiannakis, Panagiotis Papadopoulos, Evangelos P. Markatos et al.

Digital advertising is the most popular way for content monetization on the Internet. Publishers spawn new websites, and older ones change hands with the sole purpose of monetizing user traffic. In this ever-evolving ecosystem, it is challenging to effectively answer questions such as: Which entities monetize what websites? What categories of websites does an average entity typically monetize on and how diverse are these websites? How has this website administration ecosystem changed across time? In this paper, we propose a novel, graph-based methodology to detect administration of websites on the Web, by exploiting the ad-related publisher-specific IDs. We apply our methodology across the top 1 million websites and study the characteristics of the created graphs of website administration. Our findings show that approximately 90% of the websites are associated each with a single publisher, and that small publishers tend to manage less popular websites. We perform a historical analysis of up to 8 million websites, and find a new, constantly rising number of (intermediary) publishers that control and monetize traffic from hundreds of websites, seeking a share of the ad-market pie. We also observe that over time, websites tend to move from big to smaller administrators.

Asrifai Asrifai

This article focuses on discussing governance, which is defined as the government's ability in governance. Governability is influenced by the number of parties, the degree of political polarization between parties, party participation in government, and the relationship between most of the parliament and the executive. This research was conducted using a qualitative method with a descriptive analytical approach that describes, describes, and analyzes the governability in Central Sulawesi after the election of governors and vice governors in 2015. Although it has the potential for divided government to occur in the Regional Government of Central Sulawesi because only 13 seats or 29% of 45 (forty-five) the number of seats in the Regional People's Representative Council (DPRD), but in fact throughout 2016-2020 it was running effectively. There has never been any rejection of government programs by the DPRD during the 2016-2020 government. An interesting finding in this research is that the capacity and background of the regional head from the regional head elections has a big role in building governance with the ability to establish communication and coordination with DPRD members. Regional heads with good capacities and a background in bureaucracy and politicians also influence the performance of local governments and are related to their relationship with the DPRD. The governor who governs and the interaction between the governor and the governed all contribute to governability, including the type of external influence

Alexis Olsho, Trevor Smith, Suzanne White Brahmia et al.

Multiple-choice multiple-response (MCMR) items (i.e., multiple-choice questions for which more than one response may be selected) can be a valuable tool for assessment. Like traditional multiple-choice single-response questions, they are easy to score, but MCMR items can provide more information about student thinking by probing multiple reasoning facets in a single problem context. In this paper, we discuss differences in performance on MCMR items that result from differences in administration method (paper vs. online). In particular, we find a tendency for ``clickiness'' in online administration: students choose more responses to MCMR items when taking the electronic version of the assessment. Based on these findings, we recommend that online administration be compared only to other online administrations and not to paper administrations when comparing student results on MCMR items. These results also suggest that MCMR items provide a unique opportunity to probe differences in online and on-paper administration of low-stakes assessments.

Paul Chambers, Andreas Ufen

This paper is the introduction for a special issue which examines intra-party factions and factionalism in competitive party systems of Southeast Asia, looking at the cases of Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Timor-Leste, in that order and rounding up with a comparative conclusion. The study centres primarily upon one query: in competitive party systems of Southeast Asia, what accounts for the rise of factionalism in some party systems relative to others? The paper at hand frames this special issue, reviewing the literature and examining the causes, effects and forms of factionalism in general and more specifically in Southeast Asia.

Robinson Sembiring, Muba Simanihuruk

This study seeks (1) to explore local government strategies in selecting personnel for strategic positions; (2) studying the role of the RPA (Regional Personnel Agency) in carrying out the Decency and Appropriateness Test of personnel applying for the "Position Auction"; (3) studying the role of the Sekwilda in conducting the fit and proper test; (4) searching for the fit and proper test models according to local characteristics. The agenda for improving Indonesia's public sector becomes a necessity if it is linked to developments and current demands, such as good governance, professionalism, transparency, accountability, ethical and moral enforcement in the delivery of public services (Milakovich and Gordon, 2007 in Nurprojo, 2014). The improvement of the Indonesian bureaucracy through the enactment of the State Civil Apparatus Law is expected to be able to realize a better Indonesian bureaucracy through the performance of professional civil servants based on competence and competition by establishing a merit system in State Civil Apparatus management.  This study uses a qualitative paradigm by relying on researchers as data collectors through in-depth interviews and participatory observation. In-depth interviews were conducted with local elites (Head of the Regional Personnel Agency, Staff of the Regional Personnel Agency, Members of the Regional People's Representative Council, Members of the Selection Committee, Non-Governmental Organizations, the media and intellectuals) who were concerned with local governance. This is done to determine the implementation of the propriety test and due diligence in the context of filling strategic positions in the regions.