This article examines the history of St. Mikaʼél Church and the Orthodox Laity of Jijiga in the course of the Ethio-Somalia Wars in the 1960s and 1970s. It establishes that Christianity first began to spread in Jijiga and the surrounding area, which is predominantly inhabited by followers of the Islamic faith, following the expansionist campaigns of Nigus Menelik II since the late 19th century. Christian dignitaries provided significant support, which helped it expand and solidify its position. The faith has been tested in many ways since its inception, but during the invasion of Somalia in the 1960s and 1970s, Jijiga Christians and the church fell into great trouble. The invaders considered the EOC as a powerful bulwark of the state and worked hard to destroy the institution and harass its followers. This article emphasizes the internal political situations and external factors that played a role in the alternation of growth and debacle of Christianity in Jijiga. It argues that at the end of the 19th century, the expansion of the highland Christian kingdom to the east made a positive contribution to the creation of new Christian settlements, the introduction of Orthodox Christianity, and the expansion of churches in Jijiga and its neighboring regions. However, the presence of strong followers of Islam and repeated attacks by internal and external armed forces on the Christians made Orthodox Christianity the religion of the minority, and Christians were also forced to live under high security threats.
Later Stuart Queens,1660-1735: Religion, Political Culture, and Patronage. Edited by Eilish Gregory and Michael C. Questier. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2023. ISBN 978-3-031-38813-2. xix + 368 pp
As formulated in the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution, Pancasila represents the core values agreed upon during the meetings of the Body of Investigators for Preparatory Efforts for Indonesian Independence and the Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence. These values were subsequently adopted as the Foundation of the Indonesian State. However, the question persist regarding whether Pancasila can be considered as the grundnorm within Hans Kelsen’s framework in his pure theory of law. This study finds that the grundnorm, as the highest source of legal obligation, is accepted as a necessity by individuals as a necessity through their free will and is inherently perceived as true. It exists in the practical reason of each individual, is a priori, and is never formalized through state processes. Pancasila, although fundamental, cannot be equated with the grundnorm as its authority as the source of all state laws derives not from its content but from its formal declaration by legislative and executive bodies. Despite this, Pancasila serves as a unifying foundation that reconciles differences in ethnicity, race, and religion, ensuring Indonesia’s sustainable existence, transcending merely being a source of legal obligation.
Religious texts, while describing various ways of knowing God, have put before humans a way with the theme of "Knowledge of God"; For example, it has been narrated from Amir al-Mu'minin (peace be upon him): ``Arifwa Allah bi Allah.... Mulla Sadra has explained and interpreted this narration and to explain this narration, he mentions three interpretations, one of which is based on the annihilation of God and the other based on Tanziyyah and The sanctification of Almighty God and the third interpretation are also based on divine revelations to the heart of the believer. In addition to expressing deep knowledge, the first interpretation is more compatible with the appearance of the narration, unlike the second and third views, which, regardless of whether they are an explanation of this narration, express a correct and accurate content, but they cannot be a suitable explanation and interpretation for this Narration is taken into account.This research aims to analyze and investigate Mulla Sadra's point of view in this field with analytical-descriptive method. What makes addressing this issue important is that; First of all, Mulla Sadra's view is not mentioned in this detail anywhere else, and those who have mentioned his view have only given one of these three views, which the author thinks has been wrongly explained, and secondly, this review examines the place of philosophy in the explanation and interpretation of texts. It makes religion clearer.Extended AbstractIntroductionUndoubtedly, one of the universal and constant concerns of mankind is to know God and His attributes. There are many ways to know God; Including; 1. Innate knowledge of God that is unacquired and semi-conscious within every human being; 2. Narrative theology based on narrative data; 3. Intuitive qstheology that is specific to a certain number of perfected people; 4. Rational theology that is obtained through rational reasoning. Religious texts, while describing various ways of knowing God, have presented a way with the content of "Knowing God by God" before the researchers; For example, Amir al-Mu'minin Ali (peace be upon him) has been quoted as saying: Know Allah by Allah... Now the question is, how is this content interpreted and under which of the four types of knowing God is it placed? This research aims to analyze and investigate Mulla Sadra's point of view in this field with analytical-descriptive method. What makes addressing this issue important is that; First of all, Mulla Sadra's view is not mentioned in this detail anywhere else, and those who have mentioned his view have given only one of these three views; Secondly, the same point of view they have expressed can be analyzed in a different way and according to its other words. And thirdly, this review makes the position of philosophy clearer in the explanation and interpretation of religious texts. FindingsMulla Sadra says in the interpretation of this narration: Almighty God is not perceived by anyone other than himself; Because perception is either acquired or presential; And both of these perceptions about God are impossible; Because perception is general and can be shared with others; And now that, firstly, the truth of existence is neither general term nor particular that has similitudes, and secondly, basically, the reality of existence cannot be realized in the mind; For this reason, knowledge of existential identities is possible only through the presence of that existential identity to the perceiver. On the other hand, the existential matter is only present for itself or its cause; Therefore, God Subhan, who is not the effect of any cause and is the pure existence and necessary existent, cannot be known for anything other than Himself, and the only way to know God Subhan is to know God by God. He offers three interpretations to know God by God; The first interpretation is through annihilation in God (Fana-fi-Allah) and intuition and explicit mysticism, which is exclusive to divine mystics and is not accessible to anyone except truthfuls (Siddiquin). That is, only those can achieve this knowledge that the hereafter has appeared on their essence and have been freed from the bondage of the soul to this material body and naturalization. As long as the identity of the servant remains, it is still under the veil of his egoism and nature. For this reason, it is not possible for him to achieve complete realization and even if he has reached the status of immateriality, he will still not meet and see the complete vision. As long as the identity of the servant remains, it is still trapped under in his egoism and nature. For this reason, it is not possible for him to achieve complete arriving and even if he has reached the status of immateriality, he will still not meet and see the complete vision. But if the servant becomes a mortal from his own nature and the walls of his egoism collapse and he becomes immersed in the truth (reality) and disappears from everything, even himself and his absorption and intuition, in this case the true knowledge of God is achieved for him and he knows God by God. This is the position of the truthfuls (Siddiquin). The second interpretation is based on the divine transcendence and sanctification of the almighty God; Non-truthfuls, in terms of the fact that their identity still remains and they have not reached the state of annihilation in God, even if they have reached the state of immateriality and have found the ability to see God, there are still a bit of egoism and independence in them. For this reason, they only see God from their own perspective; It means that he is connected to the truth to the extent of his ability and he gets an understanding of the truth; For this reason, he still needs to “negation” so that he can see the essence of God free from his own defects and limitations. This is the truth of divine transcendence in the same similitude or the dignity between similitude and divine transcendence. This statement can be a continuation of the first statement, but since Mulla Sadra has written it as Marafahullah-Bellah (knowing God by God), it is considered a separate interpretation. But the third interpretation is based on divine revelations to the believer's heart; It means that the servant reaches the levels where God makes himself known to him. In this interpretation, the knowledge of God is the action of God and divine illumination, and the mystic provides only the ground and equipment for this illumination. In other words, a mystic with heavy scientific and proof work as well as spiritual struggle that he performs reaches the levels that his soul is ready to receive high levels of knowledge and that God Subhan makes himself known to him in an intuitive way. ConclusionThe second and third interpretations, although they carry a lot of knowledge, but due to the considerations in them, they cannot be a suitable interpretation for this narration. But the first interpretation, in addition to expressing deep knowledge, is also more compatible with the appearance of the narrative; Although this statement also needs to be completed; That is, he considers this type of knowledge to be acquired, while the right is that this knowledge is inside every human being, but it is neglected and This neglectoon should only be removed from it.
Philosophy of religion. Psychology of religion. Religion in relation to other subjects
The article offers a socio-legal analysis of the recent case on freedom of/from religion in Italy, the <i>Coppoli</i> judgment of the Italian Supreme Court, which grants public schools the autonomy to manage religious symbols. The new ruling is discussed in the shadow of the <i>Lautsi</i> case, examining the shift from the discourse of “passive religious symbol” to the framework of “respect of different sensibilities” in pluralistic classrooms. In doing that, first, we provide a sociological framework for the study of “passive religious symbols” from a multiculturalist and religious freedom perspective. Second, the <i>Coppoli</i> case is contextualized within political, normative and judicial Italian contexts following the <i>Lautsi</i> jurisprudence. Third, we revise the model of “secularism as a method of dialogue” considered by the judges as important in claiming individual freedoms of/from religion in the multicultural classroom. The final part of the article provides a discussion and critical considerations about the <i>Coppoli</i> case, problematizing the future challenges of managing religious diversity in Italian public schools. We argue that the dynamic of freedom of/from religion’s jurisprudence in the <i>Coppoli</i> case endorses an additive model of accommodating diverse cultural and religious identities in public schools.
In this study, it is examined how children between the ages of 6 and 11, living in Nottingham, England, understand the facts of religion and homeland through Turkey and Islam in their drawings. Art-based research method and semiotic method were used in the research. In drawings, the values, symbols, and concepts that children link with Turkey and Islam and the effect of the Turkish Language and Turkish Culture (TLTC) textbooks presented in the Turkish weekend school on this link were analyzed. 14 girl and 16 boy students participated in the study. The first of the drawings was obtained in 2017 within the scope of the researcher's doctoral study, the second one was obtained in 2021. The drawings of 8 children in 2017 and 18 children in 2021 were evaluated. In the end of the research, iIt was observed that by the age the number of the signs and symbols and clarity of the drawings increased. However, there was a differentiation in the signs, symbols, and intensities reflected in the drawings based on year, gender, and age. Yet it was pointed out that Turkey was mostly associated with the flag, and Islam with mosque. The images and embedded videos used in the textbooks may have played a role in emphasizing on these elements. It was determined that the themes reflected in the drawings show parallelism with the subjects in the TLTC program and textbooks. In particular, the content on the themes of the Gateway to the past, Let's go see it, Holidays and Celebrations contribute to the strengthening of the connection with the elements of cultural and religious identity, which are also seen in the pictures.Despite of positive emotions related to Turkey and Islam, negative emotions such as fear and separation were brought up in the drawings of the boys. This situation may be a result of the developmental characteristics of 6–11-year-old boys, as well as the stimuli exposed at the time of drawings and themes such as Gateway to the past focusing on history may have shaped the children's perception.
Abstract Background Birth registration establishes the existence of a child under law and provides the foundation for ensuring many of his/her rights. Despite its significance, a continuous, effective and comprehensive birth registration system has not been established in Ethiopia until the recent past. This paper examines the status of child’s birth registration and its associated factors in selected districts of Tigray Region, Ethiopia. Method A community-based cross-sectional study was conducted from April to May 2018 among 383 randomly selected mothers who had given birth to at least one child since August 2016. A structured questionnaire was used to gather the quantitative data. Qualitative data were collected using key informant interviews and focus group discussions. To analyze the data, SPSS version 20 was used. Logistic regression analysis was employed to assess the association between dependent and independent variables. Results Findings reveal that significant number of the respondents did not have knowhow about birth registration and its uses. As a result, only 117(30%) of them registered the birth of their children and secured certificates. Inaccessibility of the registrar offices, lack of relevant manpower and political will of the government were reported as major reasons for such a gap. Mother’s education was identified to be positively associated with the likelihood of a child being registered. Children born from mothers living in urban areas were found more likely to be registered compared to their rural counterpart [AOR = 1.46, 95% CI = 0.76, 2.76]. In light of Religion, children from the Muslim community had better opportunity for birth registration and owning birth certificate compared to children from Orthodox Christian parents. Compared to those who have possessed own birth certificates, the likelihood of mothers who did not possess own birth certificates to register the birth of their children was found lower by the factor of 86% [AOR = 0.14, 95%CI = 0.07, 0.26]. Conclusion Birth registration of a child and subsequent issuance of certificate should be pursued as a right issue. To make this a reality, extensive awareness raising programs that underscore the need for a birth registration and its significance for rural communities is needless to say critical.
Islamic Iran's encounter with modern communication technologies, especially the internet and cyberspace, has created a new situation in religious people's lives and a lack of media literacy and rational action can cause a lot of challenges in both individual and collective ethics. This article brings a theoretical analysis of cyber life by relying on the concept of chaste relations and discusses how ethical values, especially chaste relations, are expressed in the internet users' activities. To this end, we have formulated chaste cyber relations with a phenomenological method of understanding the religious people's life experience. The research results show that among key elements of the formation of chaste relations in cyber life one can refer to personal characteristics, commitment to religion, cyber literacy and chastity, virtual identity, and selecting one’s virtual acquaintances. Hence, reaching a typology of users in four groups: well-aware religious person, simple religious person, unscrupulous religious person and liberal user. Besides, in the relation between the ethical- jurisprudential teachings about chastity and the essential issues in users’ typology, we reached a conceptual model of chaste relation in cyber life and some practical suggestions about achieving that.
While the work of the Italian historian of religion, Ernesto de Martino (1908−1965), has frequently been compared to that of Mircea Eliade, Claude Lévi-Strauss, or Clifford Geertz, he has hardly received any attention in anglophone scholarship to date. Taking an all-but-forgotten controversy between de Martino and Eliade at a conference on parapsychology in France in 1956 as its starting point, the article fills part of this lacuna by first reconstructing the philosophical universe underlying the Italian thinker’s program of study. In the process, it introduces the reader to three Weimar scientists, who have never before been inserted within the canon of the study of religion, namely the parapsychologist Albert von Schrenck-Notzing (1862−1929), the anthropologist Leo Frobenius (1873−1938), and the biologist and philosopher Hans Driesch (1867−1941). Contextualizing these thinkers within their historical context, it becomes clear that they were part of a larger scientific crisis that affected the Western world during the first half of the twentieth century. Finally, the article uncovers surprising affinities, particularly the fact that the Romanian thinker had his very own parapsychological phase during his youth.
Jesuit universities often espouse a goal of care for the entire person’s mind, body, and spirit. However, some Jesuit institutions contradict this goal, since they do not currently provide contraceptives and birth control prescriptions for pregnancy prevention, and some do not provide contraceptive educational resources for students. Despite the merits of some arguments that requiring Jesuit universities to provide on-campus contraception violates religious freedom, Jesuit universities should provide on-campus contraception. The high rates of unintended pregnancies in college-aged students, women’s generally positive perceptions of contraception, the need to combat discrimination against women, and women’s rights as detailed by international treatises all necessitate such a decision.
Even though Jesuit universities’ health insurance plans abide by the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act’s (PPACA’s) Contraceptive Mandate, which requires employers and health insurers to cover contraceptive costs within insurance plans, some universities’ policies prevent students from reaping the plan’s benefits on campus. These policies can be better understood through the example of Saint Louis University’s (SLU) on-campus contraception policies, since SLU is a Jesuit university. For example, SLU’s Student Health Center claims to abide by “Jesuit Catholic beliefs regarding family planning” and does not provide contraceptives or prescription medication for pregnancy prevention. If a student wishes to receive birth control for pregnancy prevention, the person must obtain it off-campus. Even if a student is interested in obtaining birth control off-campus, however, the person often cannot receive on-campus education on proper birth control use or options. For example, the SLU Wellness Initiative is prohibited from providing information about contraception.
By denying students on-campus access to contraceptive services, Jesuit universities deny students full bodily autonomy and restrict their ability to act upon decisions they feel will enhance their bodily and mental health, both of which are central to core Jesuit principles.
Unintended pregnancies are prevalent in college-aged women, constituting 58.5% of all pregnancies for women aged 20-24. College-aged women also have the highest rates of abortions (Henshaw 1998). However, as access to contraceptives increased in recent years, unintended pregnancy rates declined, implying that increased contraceptive usage may play a role in successfully preventing pregnancies. One study concluded that to decrease the abortion rate, access to contraception should be promoted (Henshaw 1998). The Catholic background of Jesuit universities sanctifies the life of the unborn and condemns abortion. Pope Francis, leader of the Catholic Church, stated that birth control, when compared to abortions, is “the lesser of two evils” and “not an absolute evil.” If Jesuit universities seek to lower the abortion rate in their student populations, they should make contraception and more accessible to students.
Apart from easily accessible birth control, education on birth control is fundamental for effective use and lower unintended pregnancy and abortion rates. One study showed that 65% of unplanned pregnancies occurred when contraception was used. Reasons for this included contraception misuse or failure to withdraw (Bajos, Leridon, Goulard, Oustry, & Job-Spira 2003). If university programs that are effective in their outreach, like the SLU Wellness Initiative, provide education on birth control, then students might become aware of resources available to them so that they can make informed decisions about their bodies, curbing abortion rates.
Like all universities, Jesuit universities have an obligation to serve the interests of their students and provide for their well-being. Women, who university contraception policy disproportionately affects, generally share positive attitudes about contraception. Women feel that bodily and reproductive control are important to some degree and should be available to women. This sentiment may explain why women report more benefits of condom use and costs of unprotected sex than vice versa (Parsons, Halkitis, Bimbi, & Borkowski 2000). Also, students at universities whose college health centers provide emergency contraceptive pills (ECPs) praised these services and expressed gratitude to the clinical staff, noting the convenience and inexpensiveness of the on-campus services. Though it is true that sexually active female students are less likely to use contraception if they are religious, many religious college-aged women still feel that reproductive control is important to some degree and should be available to women. Among religious female students, 48% chose abortions as a solution to an unwanted pregnancy (Notzer, Levran, Mashiach, & Soffer 1984). Thus, allowing access to birth control will allow Jesuit universities to better serve their students.
Even though Jesuit universities’ Catholic principles and ideals focus on serving the most vulnerable and marginalized communities, some on-campus contraception policies discriminate disproportionately against women and even more harshly against vulnerable groups of women, including those with disabilities. Women with invisible and/or visible disabilities face difficulties when seeking contraceptive care and report a lack of access to health information. This lack of access can impact these women’s ability to obtain appropriate birth control, especially since they live in a culture that questions their sexuality, as well as their capacity and desire for sexual activity (Kaplan 2006). Additionally, people with disabilities face barriers, physical and otherwise, that make receiving contraception and information at farther off locations inconvenient. On-campus contraception, however, might make contraception more accessible and convenient for students. This policy would be less discriminatory towards students with disabilities.
By not providing contraception on campus, universities also discriminate against women of lower socioeconomic status, many of whom are women are color. These women have a higher risk than others of contraceptive misuse and nonuse, since they are less likely to have received proper education of birth control options and methods and are less likely to have afforded and used contraception previously. They are also more likely to receive abortions. Increasing access to and promoting long-acting reversible contraceptives, however, have been effective in lowering fertility and abortion rates among young women of low socioeconomic status (Forrest 1994). The women involved in programs promoting contraceptive use expressed a higher level of well-being, noting improved ability to continue and complete their education and obtain jobs without having to care for children (Forrest 1994). If Jesuit universities wish to achieve their ideals and combat systemic disadvantages women of color and low socioeconomic status face in both higher education and the job market, they must provide resources like birth control and birth control education so that these women can reap the value of their education and better control their futures.
Providing contraceptives and contraceptive education also protects the religious freedoms of students who may not identify with the Christian faith. Jesuit universities are often diverse communities of people from different religious and nonreligious backgrounds. Preventing easy access to birth control and appropriate education permits the more powerful administration to force its religious views onto less powerful students and deny them useful services they might have otherwise utilized. To truly embrace and serve their diverse student body, universities must protect the religious freedoms of its less powerful students and allow them to act according to their own beliefs in choosing to use or not use contraception (Corbin & Smith 2013).
It does not suffice that some students seeking to obtain contraception have the means to obtain it off-campus and have costs covered by insurance. Denying service to someone based on that person’s identity is humiliating, frustrating, and dehumanizing, all of which are characterizations of discrimination (Lim & Melling 2014). The remedy for this sort of injustice, then, is recognition rather than redistribution. In the context of Jesuit universities’ contraception policy, women are discriminated against. Refusal to provide contraception and educational resources through campus directives can be humiliating to the lifestyle choices of women, whose sexual and reproductive health needs have historically been neglected. Instead of denying services on-campus and simply providing birth control elsewhere (a policy that stigmatizes a woman’s choice to use contraceptives by limiting its accessibility), universities must recognize the dignity in a woman’s choice to control her body and offer contraceptives on-campus.
In considering the rights of vulnerable groups, it is also important to consider the conclusions of revered international organizations like the United Nations. The United Nations’ Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women of 1979 and the United Nations’ International Conference on Population and Development of 1994 both
responded to historical and systemic discrimination against women globally (Shalev 2000). They identified women’s rights as human rights and stressed the importance of rights to easy access to contraception, access to health care and education, and rights to liberty and foundation of families (Cook 1993). The refusal of some universities to not provide on-campus contraceptives for pregnancy prevention limits contraception accessibility and prohibits preventative family planning measures and contraceptive education, which are central to the United Nations’ conclusions. Thus, the historical and systemic discrimination against women is perpetuated through some Jesuit universities’ refusal to provide on-campus contraception.
Additionally, while it is true that Jesuit universities’ missions and goals are grounded in and shaped by Jesuit principles and ideals, the institutions do not function primarily as a space for people to express their religion through community, as is done in houses of worship like churches and mosques. The university consists of students and staff from diverse religious (or nonreligious) backgrounds, and SLU’s main purpose is to provide students with an education in exchange for their money. Thus, Jesuit universities arguably function more like corporations than houses of worship, and their religious freedom is not violated under the Religious Freedom and Restoration Act (RFRA), a federal law that protects interests in religious freedom. This is because only individuals can have substantial burden of religious conscience (Corbin & Smith 2013). This interpretation is supported by the Supreme Court, which has repeatedly ruled that First Amendment rights of corporations differ from those of humans. For example, even though the Supreme Court ruled in Citizens United v. FEC that the Free Speech Clause protects corporate speech, it did so to affirm people’s right to hear all points of view regardless of source—not because corporations have a First Amendment-protected right to speak (Corbin & Smith 2013). Also, corporations and owners are separate legal entities, as ruled in Cedric Kushner Promotions, Ltd. v. King (Corbin & Smith 2013). This implies that the Catholic founders of Jesuit universities and the university itself are different legal entities, and that because of this, its founders cannot speak on behalf of the institution. The university’s rights are not the founders’ or administration’s rights. Thus, because universities function less like houses of worship and more like corporations, which cannot experience substantial burden of religious conscience, accessibility to on-campus contraception does not violate religious freedom protected by the RFRA.
Requiring on-campus accessibility to contraceptives and contraceptive education is necessary for Jesuit universities to ensure that all students are treated fairly and that their needs are attended to. While it is true that some Catholic beliefs clash with modern mainstream feminism, values like serving the most vulnerable populations and working towards the greater good, seem to connect well with feminism. As the Catholic Church slowly embraces increasingly modern interpretations of Catholic theology, Jesuit schools must reevaluate their commitments and policies and understand that the manifestation of the Jesuit goal of care for the entire person can be different for everyone.
Bibliography
Bajos, Nathalie, Henri Leridon, Helene Goulard, Pascale Oustry, Nadine Job-Spira. “Contraception: from accessibility to efficiency,” Human Reproduction 18, no. 5 (May 2003): 994-999 https://doi.org/10.1093.
Cook, Rebecca. “International Human Rights and Women's Reproductive Health,” Studies in Family Planning 24, no. 2 (1993): 73-86. https://doi.org:10.2307/2939201.
Corbin, Caroline Mala and Steven D. Smith. “Debate: The Contraception Mandate and Religious Freedom,” University of Pennsylvania Law Review Online 161, no. 261 (2013).
Forrest, Jacqueline Darroch. “Epidemiology of unintended pregnancy and contraceptive use,” American Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology 170, no. 5 (1994): 1485-9. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0002-9378(12)91804-9.
Henshaw, Stanley K. “Unintended Pregnancy in the United States,” Family Planning Perspectives 30, no. 1 (1998): 24-29.
Kaplan, Clair. “Special Issues in Contraception: Caring for Women with Disabilities,” Journal of Midwifery & Women’s Health 51, no. 6 (2006): 450-456.
Lim, Marvin and Louise Melling. “Inconvenience or Indignity Religious Exemptions to Public Accommodations Laws,” Journal of Law and Policy 22, no. 2 (2014): 705-726.
Miller, Laura. “Emergency Contraceptive Pill (ECP) Use and Experiences at College Health Centers in the Mid- Atlantic United States: Changes Since ECP Went Over-the-Counter,” Journal of American College Health 59, no. 8 (2001): 683-689.
Notzer, Notzer, David Levran, Shlomo Mashiach, Sarah Sqffer. “Effect of religiosity on sex attitudes, experience and contraception among university students,” Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy 10, no. 1 (2008): 57-62. https://doi.org/10.1080/00926238408405790.
Parsons, Jeffrey, Perry Halkitis, David Bimbi, Thomas Borkowski. “Perceptions of the benefits and costs associated with condom use and unprotected sex among late adolescent college students,” Journal of Adolescence 23, no. 4 (2000): 377-391.
Shalev, Carmel. “Rights to Sexual and Reproductive Health: The ICPD and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women,” Health and Human Rights 4, no. 2 (2000): 38-66. https://doi.org/10.2307/4065196.
A series of suicide bombing terror in Surabaya and Sidoarjo a few days ago drew public attention. It was because the perpetrator was a family. After being investigated, the motive of the suicide bomber was based on false religious doctrine. According to the confession of the perpetrator’s children who survived, they had been indoctrinated by religious doctrine and living in a closed environment. Terrorism uses the teachings of Islam as justification for its actions. Therefore, the policy for the prevention of terrorism should also include the Islamic values. The main cause of radicalism effect development is the faded sense of nationalism and love of the country. State defense approach is considered appropriate as a form of prevention against terrorism. The state defense values can enhance the sense of nationalism and love of the country. However, state defense approach will not be effective without involving religious approach because the root of terrorism issues in Indonesia is based on the mistakes in understanding religion, therefore, the most appropriate way is integrating state defense approach with a religious approach based on the spirit of hubbul waton minal iman. Spirit hubbul wathon minal iman can be the antithesis on the meaning of mujahid.
Number of international tourists visiting Bali, Indonesia, keeps increasing. They usually come from different countries and cultural background. Objective of this research is to introduce some cultural characteristics of Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Australian, American, German, Indonesian, and Balinese. Data of this literature review was based on some academic books and electronic data from internet. Data was collected by reviewing some books and articles and by observing the characteristics of resident’s culture. The result showed that the culture of tourists and the culture of residents are very different. Japanese, Chinese, Korean, Indonesian, and Balinese prefer collectivism or group to individualism but, Australian, American, and Germany prefer individualism to collectivism. Indonesian and Balinese like asking about religion, age, salary, and possession but Australian, American, and Germany don’t like asking about them. It is recommended that all tourism employees should know about the tourist’s cultural aspects so that no misunderstanding between the tourists and the residents.
In the last few decades, the awareness of the importance of reforming Islamic legal thought has been increasing. This is triggered by the fact that the existing Islamic law is considered less able to respond to various problems that arise and develop in the modern world. As a result, Islamic law is seen or deemed to be incompatible with the times. This is of course contrary to the doctrine or belief that Islam is a plenary religion that will always be in harmony with the times. This anxiety also afflicted Muhammad Syahrur, prompting him to examine carefully and deeply the teachings of Islam, especially those contained in God's revelation. From his careful and profound study of God's revelation, Syahrur succeeded in formulating a theory of legal excavation which became known as hudud theory. This theory is expected to be a means to reform in the field of Islamic law. This paper will try to study the theory hudud (nazhariyyah al-hudud) offered by Syahrur.
Kata Kunci: Muhammad Syahrur, teori hudud, pembaruan pemikiran hukum Islam
In his 1970s work Chance and Necessity, Jacques Monod provided an explanatory framework not only for the biological evolution of species, but, as has become recently apparent, for the evolutionary development of cancers. That is, contemporary oncological research has demonstrated that cancer is an evolutionary disease that develops according to the same dynamics of chance (that is, random occurrences) and necessity (that is, law‐like regularities) at work in all evolutionary phenomena. And just as various challenges are raised for religious thought by the operations of chance and necessity within biological evolution, so this particular theological question is raised by the findings of contemporary cancer science: Where is love, divine and human, within the evolutionary chance and necessity operative in all dimensions of cancer? In this article, we contribute to the dialogue in science and religion by offering the following responses to this question: (1) the thought of Arthur Peacocke to claim that divine love may be understood to be at work in, with, and under our very efforts to make theological meaning of the chance and necessity that inform the evolution of cancers; and (2) Charles Sanders Peirce's evolutionary philosophy to make this claim: that the work of scientific communities of inquiry to understand and to find better ways to cope with the disease of cancer is itself the work of divine love amid the chance and necessity of cancer.
The objective of this study was to determine the perceptions and knowledge of farmers of heat stress and tick resistance in cattle. A cross-sectional survey was conducted and 110 farmers in four villages in the sour and sweet velds of the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa were interviewed. The associations among area (municipality), gender, age, level of education, employment and religion were computed using Chi-square tests. The majority of the respondents had on average 4 bulls, 4 cows, 4 heifers, 4 calves, and 4 oxen. Milk was considered as the major (28.3%) reason for keeping cattle. Most farmers owned non-descript (72.6%), and Nguni (45.3%) cattle because of their heat tolerance (54.7%), tick resistance (54.7%), and milking ability (28.2%) traits. Excessive panting (56.6%) and disease transmission (76%) were regarded as the major effects of heat stress and tick infestation in cattle, respectively. About 50% of the respondents agreed that hair length influences tick resistance and 47.17% considered coat colour when acquiring cattle. In the sampled areas, ticks were prevalent in the summer season (93%), and 77.36% of the respondents use acaricides every fortnight. Gall sickness was reported to be a major problem in the cattle herds by 36.79% of the respondents. Our results showed that farmers in the two municipalities had knowledge of cattle adaptation to heat stress and tick resistance.
In the late 19th century a reversal of the values linked to the sacred and the profane can be observed. As Religion retreats, Positivism and faith in Progress fill the gap left by the abandoned spiritual belief. A nostalgia for transcendence arises amongst writers. Naturalism turns out to be sterile, but, sill, a belief in God seems to have become impossible. It is in this context that Huysmans writes his novels. The Durtal tetralogy in particular focuses on this theme: desperate, the main character wanders around Catholicism, seeking a sense of the Sacred. He first explores the world of Satanism before the conversion. But even when faith is regained, problems are not solved. In the religious domain itself, Durtal condemns the sacralization of the profane. Henceforth, the Durtal tetralogy manifests itself as a novel of the in-between: from brothel to church, between up-above and down-below, between almighty materialism and bourgeois Catholicism, this misanthropic writer prays for a renewed and primitive form of religious practice in which the individual can access the Sacred again. The quest for the supernatural, through a questioning of contemporary society, becomes a quest for Identity.
Literature (General), French literature - Italian literature - Spanish literature - Portuguese literature
One of the more colourful mediums of the national frame of mind and mentality in pre-occupation Estonia was the Taara movement in the 1920s–1930s. The Taara-believers, who were united in their concern regarding the intellectual confusion brought about by the achievement of national independence, and disturbed by the cultural elite’s excessive receptivity regarding the ideas widespread in Europe, decided to stay true to their forefathers’ intellectual legacy, and lay it as a basis for a religious movement characteristic of and close to the Estonian soul. The principal idea was that a nation’s highest goal should be its intellectual and cultural independence; political freedom was considered to be a significant tool in obtaining and protecting this goal. In order to reach intellectual freedom, the presence of a nation’s own national religion was vital. In other words, the Taara-believers regarded faith as the fundamental basis for culture and spirituality, and intellectual freedom thus unthinkable without a national religion. During the first years of activity the Taara-movement was relatively small in numbers; the confined circle of activists started to devise the foundations national religion. It is safe to say that the starting period is best characterised by ideological search, expressed, above all, by two different approaches to national religion. On the one hand, there was common consent that the forefathers’ faith had not been preserved in its original form, and therefore only the few existing scraps of knowledge could be used to develop a religion corresponding to the modern world. In the Taara-believers view, the religion had to be in constant development together with the nation, and also keep abreast of the latest scientific achievements. On the other hand, dissenting opinions of how to present the religion arose. Some of the pioneers of the Taara-movement cultivated the idea of establishing the Turan-society instead. But the prevailing image was still an independent religion characteristic of the Estonians, which was not to be organisationally related with associations propagating Turan or any other similar national belief. In addition to ideological arguments, efforts to design the religious practices and traditions were also made. The primary focus was on the major events in a person’s life and the development of the related rituals. Several traditions regarding the celebration of national holidays, important also in the movement’s latter activities, were initiated as well. The development of the religion’s own practices and holidays saw a significant upturn in the movement’s activity in the 1930s. The rituals were being more and more extensively introduced outside the Taara-believers’ circle. In addition to celebrating the established holidays, several cultural and social events were organised both in and outside the circle. Another significant topic during the first years was the propagation of the idea of creating and developing the genuine culture.The Taara-believers’ movement reflected the national tendencies rife in Estonia between the two world wars, but it must be said that it is quite an unusual expression of national concepts. Nevertheless, the Taara-believers and their society form an integral part of thought and religion in pre-occupation Estonia, and therefore deserve close attention and analysis.
<p>A riqueza do debate ocorrido entre os filósofos Luc Ferry e Marcel Gauchet, em janeiro de 1999, deu origem a este artigo, em que os autores exploram os temas e as questões discutidas naquela ocasião. O artigo apresenta as diferentes posições dos dois pensadores franceses, cuja preocupação maior é pensar as condições de possibilidade da religião e do religioso nos tempos atuais. Tempos em que, segundo os debatedores, predomina a individualização da crença e nos quais a presença de uma religiosidade sempre mais inquieta, difusa e incerta convive com o enfraquecimento institucional das religiões. Longe de desaparecer num universo cada vez mais laicizado, o religioso, como indagação sobre o sentido último da vida ou como aspiração ao absoluto, tende a permanecer como um substrato insuperável. Como, então, pensar o religioso após a religião? O texto apresenta as diferentes e divergentes posições de Ferry e Gauchet acerca da pertinência do uso de termos clássicos como "sagrado", "divino", "transcendente", dentre outros, para tratar os constituintes dessa religiosidade contemporânea e inquieta, própria de uma época na qual se torna impossível a edificação de um mundo de parte a parte estruturado pela religião e na qual o religioso impregnaria todos os setores da vida pública e privada.</p> <p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong><strong> </strong>Religião; Religiosidade; Secularização; Autonomia; Heteronomia.</p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Abstract </strong></p> <p>This paper analyses the questions and problems that was discussed during an important debate between the French philosophers Marcel Gauchet and Luc Ferry, which take place at Paris on January, 1999. The paper discusses the different conceptions of these thinkers about the status of religion and the religious in nowadays. Days that witnesses the individualization of religious belief and the presence of a restless, uncertain and spread religiosity which however, lives side by side with an institutional weakening of the historical religions. Far from disappearing in a more and more laicized world, the religious as an inquiring about searching on ultimate sense for our lives seems to remain as a permanent individual issue. Nevertheless, how is it possible to conceive the religious <em>after</em> the deregulation of historical religions? Classical terms like "sacred", "divine", "transcendent" and "absolute" are sufficient to qualify and analyze the elements of this restless and uncertain religiosity, which seems to be constitutive of societies that do not need religious legitimacy anymore.</p> <p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Religion; religious; secularization; autonomy; heteronomy<strong>.</strong></p>