مرتضی سیاره, زهرا دهقان شبانی, کریم اسلاملوئیان
et al.
در دهههای اخیر، ساختار اقتصادی و ژئوپلیتیکی جهان دستخوش تحولاتی عمیق شده است، ازجمله ظهور قدرتهای نوظهور و حرکت بهسوی نظمی چندقطبی. در این چارچوب، پیوستن جمهوری اسلامی ایران به گروه بریکس در ژانویة ۲۰۲۴م، نشانهای از تعمیق همکاری میان اقتصادهای نوظهور و فرصتی راهبردی برای تقویت همکاریهای اقتصادی، دسترسی به بازارهای بزرگتر، تسهیل تجارت با ارزهای ملی و کاهش اثر تحریمها فراهم میآورد. درحالیکه بیشتر مطالعات پیشین به تحلیلهای کلی محدود است، این پژوهش با هدف پرکردن خلأ موجود، آثار رفاهی و تجاری این عضویت را در سطح کالایی بررسی میکند. در پاسخ به خلأ مطالعات دقیق در زمینة آثار تجاری عضویت ایران در بریکس، در این پژوهش با بهرهگیری از مدل تعادل جزئی جهانی (GSIM) و دادههای ۸۶۰ کد کالای HS4 دارای مزیت نسبی، آثار چهار سناریوی کاهش تعرفه تحلیل شده است. دادهها از پایگاههای UN Comtrade و MacMap استخراج و با پایتون پردازش شده است. نتایج نشان میدهد آزادسازی کامل تجاری برای ایران 13/1 میلیارد دلار رفاه خالص بههمراه دارد و نسبت ایجاد تجارت به انحراف تجارت (71/2) گویای منافع در خور توجه است. بخشهایی مانند معدن، پلاستیک و ماشینآلات بیشترین سود را میبرند، درحالیکه محصولات نباتی (مانند ذرت) با ضرر مواجه میشوند. تدوین راهبرد تجاری هدفمند با حذف کالاهای زیانده و تعیین سطوح بهینة تعرفة خالص، رفاه ایران را تا 2/27 درصد افزایش خواهد داد و زمینهساز بهرهگیری حداکثری از فرصتهای عضویت در بریکس خواهد بود. مشارکت فعال در بریکس با تغییر مسیر تجارت از شرکای محدود به بازارهای متنوعتر درونگروهی، تابآوری اقتصادی ایران را افزایش میدهد.
In this article, we explore what it means to research in International Relations (IR) in a context of dizzying multiplication of turns in the discipline – towards things that are material, practised, emotional, aesthetic, quantic or visual. A two-fold assumption of our times seems to be that more turns is a sound development for the discipline, and that every turn is inherently more critical than the previous one. Taking a step back from these numerous recent turns, we analyse the phenomenon of turning itself, and what it reveals about the state of the discipline and of critical International Relations (cIR), respectively. First, we track how the turn to turns occurred at a specific point in the discipline’s history where it had exhausted the modalities by which it had initially established itself. ‘Theory’ and ‘turn’ imply contrasting logics of organising knowledge claims. Second, we show that the phenomenon of turning evinces new and systematically structured ways of valuing what counts (and does not) as innovative knowledge worth pursuing. We attempt to render explicit the valuation structure at work in the turning – its grammar. Third, we explore how practicing critique, analysing the international political and politicising the international have been reconfigured by the ascent of turns. We do this in the format of five slow-down test questions for would-be turners.
The inter-party relationship between the Communist Party of China and the Communist Party of Vietnam presents a fascinating yet contradictory picture to many international relations scholars given the love-hate history and ideological affinity between China and Vietnam. The aim of this article is twofold. First, it seeks to describe the nature of China’s socialization efforts toward Vietnam through Beijing’s manipulation of inter-party diplomacy with Hanoi. Second, it evaluates the impacts of China’s inter-party diplomacy on Vietnam based on how willing Hanoi is to internalize China-crafted norms and values and modify its behavior in Beijing’s favor. This article contends that China’s inter-party diplomacy with Vietnam is part of Beijing’s socialization efforts, which aim to disseminate norms and values and are supported by China’s massive material capabilities. Nevertheless, socialization is a reciprocal process, with Vietnam constantly seeking to assert its own norms and values to shape China’s behavior. In instances where inter-party channels fail to safeguard Vietnam’s national interests during conflicts with China, Hanoi may employ subtle forms of resistance to steer Beijing toward a more favorable path.
K.B. Makhanov, A.A. Khitakhunov, Z. Zhanaltay
et al.
This study analyzes changes in the spatial distribution of the rural population in post-Soviet Kazakhstan using census data from 1989 to 2024. While the total rural population has remained stable, over 27% of rural settlements have been eliminated during the sample period. Applying a proximity-based framework, the research shows that districts near major cities have experienced rural population growth and resilience, while remote areas face sharp decline and village abandonment. The findings reveal a selective spatial reorganization of the rural landscape, with populations concentrating in fewer, larger settlements located within accessible distance of major urban centers. These dynamics reflect not only rural decline, but also broader structural changes aligned with Kazakhstan’s ongoing urbanization. The observed patterns are closely tied to Kazakhstan’s broader urbanization process in a way that cities have become a key factor shaping rural viability, reinforcing demographic and spatial reorganization across the country. Overall, the findings align with broader research on rural transformation, providing a detailed case of how proximity to urban centers has shaped rural population patterns and settlement structures in post-Soviet Kazakhstan over time, reflecting enduring trends of spatial concentration and selective territorial development.
Keywords: rural population, population geography, urbanization, migration, post-Soviet Kazakhstan.
Through MotoGP, the Indonesian government seeks to display the image of a country that is modern, advanced in infrastructure, and ready to compete in the organization of international events. However, the process of forming the country's image is not entirely under the control of domestic actors. The international media has a big role as a representation agent and gatekeeper who determines what kind of narrative reaches a global audience. This study aims to examine how international media frames news about the Mandalika MotoGP using the theoretical approach of gatekeeping, politics of representation, and nation branding. Using qualitative methods and content analysis of news from five countries with large MotoGP fan bases (UK, Italy, Spain, Germany, and the US), this study found that Mandalika MotoGP news was more dominated by dualistic representations: on the one hand Indonesia was considered exotic and interesting, but on the other hand it was doubtful in terms of readiness and professionalism. These findings show that in the nation branding strategy, developing countries such as Indonesia still have to face the hegemony of global media narratives.
In the contemporary socio-economic and political order of Moose society in Burkina Faso and elsewhere in Africa so-called “traditional” witchcraft still plays an important role. But how, in modern Moose society, must the occult, the flipside of things, be understood? In what cultural scheme or discourse does it fit and operate? How do the “real” and the “supernatural,” the visible and the invisible, the “dayside” and the “nightside” of things, relate to each other in notions of political power, “development,” law, economy? In other words, what is the ambiguous, cross-fertilizing relation between what is often called “tradition” and “modernity” in modern rural and urban Burkina Faso?
In international relations theory, civilian and normative power can be seen as the most ambitious attempts to develop a new ideal of actor that is normatively preferable to classical concepts such as great power, empire, and hegemon as it wields power in a different way. However, these attempts fail from a theoretical perspective primarily because the concepts cannot be clearly differentiated from hidden hegemony. Guided by Habermas’ notion of communicative power, this article develops a new ideal type for transnational norm diffusion that escapes the trap of hidden hegemony. This ideal promotes communicative power by: (1) exercising institutional power to enable open and free discourse, (2) abstaining from using compulsory power to impose its own norms but just to guarantee the option of voice and exit for all affected persons, and (3) reducing unconscious structural power, productive power, and soft power through the inclusion of reflexivity and self-criticism. This type of inclusive foreign policy based on self-restraint and reflexivity must originate from solidarity in domestic civil society to gain the trust of others. The concept of communicative power offers an alternative theoretical template to how dominant actors can exercise power in international politics.
A new direction in the field of information security emerged and began to develop rapidly: digital steganography, which, in contrast to classical steganography, is a relatively young science.
Ni Wayan Ayu Sekarningsih, I Nyoman Sudiarta, I Putu Sudana
Octopus Dive Penida is one of the first local dive centers in Nusa Penida that provides international diving facilities (PADI, ADSI,SSI) with professional instructors. This study discusses the marketing strategy adopted by Octopus Dive. The sample of this research is tourists who have visited and used the services of diving / snorkeling in Octopus Dive Penida. The sample selection technique used purposive sampling with 168 respondents. The technique of collecting data is done in several ways, discussing, observing, interviewing, questionnaires, documentation, and literature study. The data analysis technique was done by quantitative descriptive analysis and SWOT analysis. Resulting in a marketing SWOT strategy from variable marketing mix 7 P that is, SO (Strengths – Opportunities) strategy is doing Brand Positioning as a quality dive operator, doing good relations with the community and improving the quality of Human Resources. WO (Weakness -Opportunities) strategy is to expand business / office locations, educate tourists, re-conduct price analysis and participate in international and national events. ST (Strenghts -Threats) strategy is to innovate services / services for tourists, create dive tourism package programs that don't exist in other dive operators. WT (Weakness -Threats) strategy is to conduct a site analysis to complement offices and innovations in market price adjustments.
This article examines change and continuity in the function, role and moral judgement of violence in international relations. In terms of change, the conclusions are mostly pessimistic if the aim is the complete eradication of political violence. The control of violence, on the other hand, and the ability to hold those who employ it to increasing moral and legal standards is perhaps one of the most significant changes in international relations from 1919 to 2019. However, this does not mean that violence has been replaced or even transformed. Violence is constitutive of the political. It is the first and the last word in politics. This is the continuity of violence. Violence, of which war is only the most visceral expression, has not been transformed or replaced, but rather it has been displaced into legal systems, institutional orders and new forms of conflict. Inter-state war may be in decline, but intra-state conflict is rising. To develop this argument, the article argues that change can only be understood as change against a horizon of continuity.
In the framework of globalisation, the development of cross-cultural communication skills is of high interest. However, there is no due attention paid to the development of intercultural language competence in all universities as well as the possibility to share it directly with native interlocutors of the other culture. The objective of the article is to define the critical complexities in the area of cross-cultural communication among those who study a foreign language. Another objective is to elaborate recommendations that will enable the solution of the issues in the area of cross-cultural communication within up-to-date education. As a result, the researchers’ have organised and carried out the survey among 650 linguistic students of the 4th course from four largest Russian higher educational institutions (Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia, Higher School of Economics, Moscow State Institute of International Relations, and Moscow State University). The outcomes of the research can be used in future as the basis for the development of cross-cultural communication for university students, which should have cross-cultural competence.
Abstract: In the article the questions of application of public-private partnership (PPP) for the implementation of projects in infrastructure in the BRICS countries (BRICS). The analysis is carried out on the basis of a comparison of the legal framework in the field of public-private partnership and concession legislation, as well as the experience gained in the implementation of projects. Using data from open sources, materials of the meetings of the authorities and business on the issues of implementation of publicprivate partnerships, statements of responsible persons developed a comparative table that identified and summarized trends in the development of public-private partnership in the BRICS countries. Examines global trends in the sphere of use of PPP mechanisms in the five countries, as well as key sectors in which PPP projects. Identified current problems in the implementation of projects in the preparatory phase and in case of change of technical and financial parameters of the project. The practical significance of the results of this study is the feasibility of extending public-private partnership in the implementation of joint projects in the BRICS countries. The results of the study can be used in the formation of the General strategy of development of infrastructure of BRICS countries on how in-country and inter-state levels.
The study below is putting together, in a historical view, important
events for the Romanian history. Brief, the research is related to the period between 1876 and 1888, also called by historians “The Great liberal government”, when the national ideals were made real. The study tells about the State Independence (1877), the Constitution revision (1879) and finally, the transition to monarchy (1881). By putting together, the study shares how the National Liberal Party and its past leaders were able to put above the party interests and national interests, leaving the individualism behind.
Today, the domestic analogy is a well-established and frequently used term in the discipline of International Relations (IR). What is less established is that often two different analogies are hiding behind this term – an analogy between the domestic and the international realm, on the one hand, and an analogy between a state of nature and the international realm, on the other hand. This article argues that only in the former case, we can speak of domestic analogy. In the latter case, the ‘state of nature’ is mistaken for the ‘domestic’, which, on closer inspection, are converse terms. After a critique of the way in which the domestic analogy has been used in the literature, and in the work of Chiara Bottici in particular, I develop the alternative concept of the state of nature analogy and locate it within each of Martin Wight’s three traditions of international theory. Once we have unraveled the two analogies, the advantages of using the state of nature analogy over the domestic analogy become manifest.
The expectation that technological returns from defense expenditure through acquisition, international cooperation and domestic research would further national development underappreciates the different technological dynamic of the armed services. This paper outlines the technological dynamic the stems from fighting in the air, at sea and on land, exemplifying consequences for the case of acquisition.
Caitlin A. Buckley, Dmitry Novak, Dmitri A. Titoff
et al.
Los defensores del control de armamentos buscan mecanismos para desincentivar la extensión de tecnologías sensibles para la proliferación. La mayoría de planes consideran situar las tecnologías del ciclo de combustible nuclear bajo un mayor control multilateral. Las propuestas para establecer uno o más bancos de combustible nuclear encajan claramente en este enfoque. Bajo este sistema, los países pueden "tomar prestado" el combustible que necesiten para sus reactores nucleares de un repositorio bajo control de la AIEA. Kazajstán ha ofrecido considerar el establecimiento de un banco internacional de combustible nuclear en su territorio. El país cuenta con ciertas características que podrían convertirlo en un buen candidato para un banco de combustible. Por ejemplo, Kazajstán es un actor destacado en el mercado internacional de uranio, tiene buenas relaciones con muchos países, y su gobierno cuenta con un historial sólido de no proliferación. Sin embargo, existe preocupación entre los observadores nacionales e internacionales acerca del ambicioso programa del gobierno kazajo, sus relaciones con países propensos a la proliferación, y la oposición de la sociedad en Kazajstán a las actividades nucleares.