Hasil untuk "Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)"

Lila Sari

Since the fall of Indonesia's Suharto regime in 1998, politics in Makassar, the capital of South Sulawesi province, has been characterised by a competitive form of elite domination. Major political families, most with roots in the ruling elite of the Suharto period, have captured power and used it to further their economic interests while engaging in bitter intra-elite feuds. Through studies of three large-scale coastal reclamation projects, the study reveals patterns of interaction between political elites and business groups in the province. Successive mayors and governors have sponsored rival reclamation projects, directing tenders toward favoured business partners and sidelining allies of rivals. Yet these projects also reveal the limits of power of local politicians: while they support favoured local partners, none has been able to sideline large national conglomerates involved in these projects. Instead, big investors are more or less immune to local political change.

Sayana B. Bukhogolova, Soelma R. Batomunkueva, Snezhana P. Garmaeva

Introduction. The article examines the biography and works of the 5th abbot of Aginsky datsan (Dechen Lhundublin) Galsan Zhimba Tuguldurov. The relevance of the study is determined by importance of the personality of G.-Zh. Tuguldurov. He was one of the most significant Buryat Buddhist leaders of the 19th century. Tuguldurov was one of the bright representatives of the Buryat priesthood, expert in Buddhist philosophy, astrology, medicine and lexicology (he compiled the first Buryat Tibetan-Mongolian dictionary Despite the weight of his multifaceted personality and the presence of works reflecting his activities, the information about the details of G. Tuguldurov's biography and writings continues to remain little known. The purpose of the article is to provide historiographic overview of researches on his biography and creative heritage, introduce some new information into scientific circulation. This information was obtained from archive documents written in Old Mongolic script from the preliminary translation of not studied before biography (namthar) of G.-Zh. Tuguldurov in Tibetan language. The title of the namthar is “The biography of Galsan-Zhimba Balzangpo — the abbot of the datsan Dechen Lhundubling (bde chen lhun grub gling gi khri pa chos rje skal bzang spyin pa dpal bzang po’i rnam thar gyi sa bon bzhugs)”. Materials and methods. The research is based on the works of Russian and Mongolian authors written in different times, archival data from funds of the State Archive of the Republic of Buryatia, Center of Oriental Manuscripts and Xylographs of the Institute for Mongolian, Buddhist and Tibetan studies of the SB RAS and namthar of G.-Zh. Tuguldurov in Tibetan language (archive of Aginsky datsan). The following methods were used: collection, analysis and processing of data, historical-systematic and retrospective analysis. The results of the research helped to restore the chronology of activities of G.-Zh. Tuguldurov. For the first time the biography of G.-Zh. Tuguldurov with additional and clarifying information has been put into scientific circulation. Therefore, the restored biography of G.-Zh. Tuguldurov can make a significant contribution into academic researches, especially into reconstruction of the spread of Buddhism in the region.

Muhammad Hafiz, Aldri Frinaldi

A government depends on the merits of the bureaucracy that acts as the organizer of the government. Meanwhile, the bureaucracy is very dependent on its human resources. Meanwhile, based on the Apparatus Quality Index, the majority of ASN in Indonesia is in the low and very low categories. So there is a need for performance transformation for ASN. This study aims to analyze the challenges faced in improving performance in the public sector and the role of knowledge sharing and innovation in improving performance in the public sector. This paper uses the library study method which collects data and information by examining relevant books, references, literature, and research journals. The result is that there are three main factors, namely the lack of competence, commitment and cohesiveness that exists in the midst of the current state civil apparatus. Knowledge sharing and innovation have an important role to overcome these weaknesses, namely by forming a community as a forum for sharing knowledge between ASN it can be a means of increasing competence, commitment and building cohesiveness in the midst of ASN

Afshin Karami

Wall construction is a common phenomenon in human societies and cannot be considered unprecedented. When a wall is built, it contains a message at every scale and every level. The message of separating "us" from "them", "self" from "other", "desirable" from "undesirable", the message of creating boundaries and fencing of belongings and assets. The countries of the world are strengthening their international borders to an unprecedented extent. These walls are artifacts of the new age in international relations and a new concept of the idea of borders. This article considers the wall a global phenomenon; A phenomenon that is spreading and developing in the globalized world, mainly due to the feeling of insecurity of the State. Along with the walled discourse, new security requirements are emerging across States' geographical borders. These requirements can change States' relations with their neighbors and the way they treat immigrants and citizens of other countries. The question of the present study is whether the discourse of border walling and fencing can lead to increased security? And what challenges the discourse of fencing and Walling will pose to States, institutions, and immigrants. In this research, an attempt is made to deal with different dimensions of the discourse of walling and fencing and its political-geographical consequences are analyzed.

Naoko Eto

ABSTRACTOn June 25th, 2021, the State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China issued a white paper entitled “China’s New Political Party System.” This document argues that the political systems of Western nations are “outdated” and emphasizes the superiority of the political system of “Chinese democracy,” as promoted by Xi Jinping. However, the Chinese government’s official English translation leaves out the context of “newness” and does not emphasize the harmfulness of the West’s “outdated” system. Why was the English version rewritten with little nuance? This could be because of a desire to avoid drawing international criticism for its plan to boost China’s “international discourse power” (国际话语权 in Chinese), which President Xi Jinping has sought to shore up. This paper argues that China’s “new political party system” was implemented as a political tool to formulate Xi Jinping’s new social science theory. Thus, it did not bring about any major changes to China’s political consultation system, in which “democratic parties” can consult with the Communist Party but basically cannot oppose or disagree. Additionally, the phrase “new political party system” was created amidst conflict around discourse power with the West and was an argument with strategic significance in its connection to foreign policy. Discussion of China’s political system is likely to become all the more important amidst the current structural conflict between the US and China.

M. Bloch

T. Vu

P. Gootenberg

Official and NGO-style thinking about “drugs and development” usually follows a conventional logic: “Lack of development” (poverty and statelessness) fosters illicit activities (such as peasant drug crops) which can only be alleviated by interventionist economic development and sustained state-building projects (“alternative development,” crop substitution, full integration of illicit actors into public services). However, emerging research by historians and other social scientists suggests in many cases the reverse is just as true. Post-war modernization projects in the Global South set the stage for the takeoff of dynamic new 1970s-90s illicit economies in coca/cocaine, poppy/ heroin, and other drugs (Smith, 1992). These became, in effect, its own form of autonomous grassroots development. Like the growing consensus that the half-century “drug war” is a failed crusade, we must question the teleology around “development” in drug studies–a concept long under duress, by both academic right and left, in other fields. My own role in this debate is a 2018 volume (co-edited with my colleague, Colombian ecologist Liliana Dávalos), The Origins of Cocaine: Colonization and Failed Development in the Amazon Andes (Gootenberg and Dávalos, 2018). Mixing archival case studies with quantitative and historical mapping techniques, our research found that the original three core birthing sites of modern illicit coca—Peru's Upper Huallaga Valley, Bolivia's Chapare region, and the Ariari zone of Meta Department in Colombia—bore striking historical resemblances. Each area had been, starting in the 1950s and 1960s, a key state-supported site of roadbuilding and peasant colonization agricultural projects in the Amazonian frontiers of the eastern Andes. These projects arose within a larger Cold-war vision of integrating the lowland tropics via a vast continental “Marginal Highway of the Amazon.” The twin goal was to quell upland agrarian discontent and unlock the region's untapped agrarian riches, in retrospect an ecological pipedream (or nightmare, given the eventual deforestation and biodiversity impacts). It was an ideal avidly supported in the 1960s by national elites and reformers in Washington and multilateral institutions like the IDB and World Bank. Despite distinctive national contexts, each site drew in tens of thousands of impoverished or oppressed campesinos seeking to build fresh livelihoods. Rather than isolated backward pockets, these zones, at least for a while, represented some of the most concentrated state activities and services (such as credit or marketing offices) of the greater Amazon. And in each case, by the mid-1970s, the failures or abandonment of these original developmentalist promises and processes (a long complex story itself of shrinking, debt-ridden, or rising neoliberal states), swiftly led peasants into illicit coca cropping. Orphaned by their states, such “refugees of development” turned en masse to drug crops for survival (explored in older ethnographies like Molano Bravo, 1987 or Sanabria, 1993), which in turn feed spiraling 1980s international trafficking networks. Even decades beyond into the 1990s, these same initial sites remained epicenters of the global cocaine trades. This is a specific origins story for illicit coca-cocaine—greatly complicated by 1980s drug war interventions and escalating drug-war violence—but Dávalos and I also detect parallels elsewhere. The maconha (South American cannabis) belt of Paraguay's borderlands was a byproduct of failed post-war export promotion, and Mexico's remote village poppy and marijuana plots across the states of Sinaloa, Sonora, Chihuahua, and Guerrero popped up in the wake of the post-war retreat of the statist modernizing agrarian reform. State irrigation and settlement projects in Michoacán fertilized drug trades (Maldonado, 2013). Cocaine export hub cities like Medellín or Santa Cruz in Bolivia were regional development poles, not backwaters. The most dramatic parallel, however, is found halfway around the Global South in the now infamous global heroin hotspot of Helmand province, Afghanistan–brightly illuminated in a new book by James T. Bradford, Poppies, Politics, and Power: Afghanistan and the Global History of Drugs and Diplomacy (Bradford, 2019). Long before the Taliban regime and opiates, only a handful of area specialists knew Helmand as the site of Asia's longest (1946-79) and most strategic U.S.-assisted development project: the Helmand Valley Development Project (HVDP), a massive dam and development zone modelled after the New Deal TVA. Intensive irrigation, roads, planned cities and villages, American designs, and schools would make this backwards “tribal” region the model Afghan “breadbasket,” later redirected into commercial cotton farming (Cullather, 2002). A secularizing leftist government of the 1970s (much like Peru's statist Velasco regime of the same era) redoubled the mega-project. But to no avail as inapt ecological conditions (similar to the Amazonian story), plus local resistance, led to its breakdown and an erosion of state legitimacy, as well as opium planting among the many thousands of peasants lured to the valley. The HVDP became dubbed Afghanistan's “unfinished symphony.” A striking coincidence of timing and politics thus marks the

Nureni Wijayati

Bambang Subagio

The public service quality in The Investment and One Stop Service (TIOSS) Office of Bandung Barat Regency was not optimal. The public participation and discretion were the crucial factors to improve the quality of the public service. Hence, this research examined the influence of the public participation and discretion factors to improve the public service quality in TIOSS Office of Bandung Barat Regency. This research used the mixed method. Quantitative method was reflected through survei technique data collection which then was analyzed through Structural Equation Model and Partial Least Square. While qualitative method was reflected through Focus Group Discussion technique. The results were, first, public participation and the discretion had a positive and significant impact to the public service quality. Second, the public participation variable partially had a greater effect than the discretion variable to improve the quality of the public service. The research suggested that TIOSS Office of Bandung Barat Regency should undertake synergic, comprehensive, and continuous of public participation and discretion practices in order to improve public service quality.

Desi Fernanda

Dilihat dari kaidah-kaidah perencanaan, fenomena-fenomena sosial ekonomi dan politik di tanah air yang terjadi semenjak pertengahan tahun 1997 menggambarkan bahwa perencanaan pembangunan nasional kita tidak begitu memiliki daya antisipatif yang baik. Instabilitas sosial-politik di dalam negeri tadi, ditambah dinamika perekonomian global,ternyata mampu meruntuhkan seluruh hasil jerih payah bangsa Indonesia membangun negeri selama tiga dasawarsa terakhir ini. Hal ini membuktikan bahwa paradigma dan pendekatan yang digunakan dalam proses perencanaan pembangunan nasional selama ini, ternyata memiliki berbagai kelemahan yang bersifat mendasar. Untuk itu, penyelenggaraan pembangunan nasional perlu terus-menerus dievaluasi dengan menggunakan pendekatan dan bentuk reformasi yang tepat guna mengatasi kelemahan sistem / proses pembangunan yang dihadapi dewasa ini

Alfred Gerstl

To mitigate the risks and maximise the opportunities arising from China’s great power behaviour, Malaysia employed a hedging strategy during Mahathir Mohamad’s second term as prime minister. From 2018 until 2020, the middle power Malaysia applied direct engagement and elements of limited balancing and limited bandwagoning in a flexible yet consistent manner. Neither China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) nor its actions in the South China Sea caused a sea change in Malaysia’s hedging strategy. Crucially, the policies towards China were embedded in omnidirectional, friendly, and well-balanced relations with the United States, Japan, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Theoretically, this contribution applies an updated concept of hedging, initially introduced by Cheng-Chwee Kuik. As an important innovation, it adds a specific component to assess the perceptions of the political leader(s) of risks and opportunities related to the hedging target as well as the strategic value of potential balancing partners.

Dayat Hidayat

Korupsi, sebuah kata yang dalam beberapa tahun terakhir selalu menjadi isu yang selalu hangat, enak diucapkan dan susah untuk diberantas. Selanjutnya jika membicarakan korupsi, orang akan langsung menuding pemerintah sebagai biangnya korupsi. Seakan akan yang melakukan korupsi itu adalah Pegawai Pemerintah atau Pegawai Negeri. Jikalau korupsi dilakukan oleh pegawai selain pegawia negeri, sepertinya tidak disebut sebagai korupsi. Kalaupun ada pasti karena pegawai negerinya ikut bermain. Benarkah begitu ?

Wawan Setiawan Abdilah, Sakrim Miharja, Yeni Dewiyanti Lestari

This study aims to analyze the quality of public services at the Bandung Service Center, Placement and Protection of Indonesian Workes (BP3TKI) Bandung. This research method uses  qualitative methods with descriptive approach. Data collection techniques used were in-depth interviews and documentation studies. Informants in this study were Head Of Correctional and Program Institution Section, Head of Placement Preparation Section, service staff and TKI. In addition, the steps in data analysis according to Miles and Huberman consist of three stages, namely: data reduction, data presentation and conclusion/ verification. The results of this study were obtained from the results of interviews that: (1) The quality of public service at the Indonesian Workforce Service, Placement and Protection Center (BP3TKI) Bandung has implemented five dimensions namely: Tangible, Reliability, Responsiviness, Assurance, Emphaty along with indicators. However, from some indicators there are still those that have not gone according to the wishes of Indonesian infrastructure, there are still officers who are capable and expert in operating the tools  available at BP3TKI Bandung, and the officers’ inability to process service to TKI. (2) barriers that existin the implementation of public service at the Indonesian Workforce Service, Placement and Protection Center (BP3TKI) in Bandung is that there is no place for medical examinations for Indonesian migrant workers, and banks to pay for insurance so that migrant workers must leave the office, and for facilities and infrastructure that are still not maximal to support the service process.

Masato Kamikubo

Recently, students’ political movements are emerging in the world. In countries other than Japan, students often play important roles as political actors. On the other hand, in Japan student movements are failed, and it is often argued that the reason lies in young people’s low political awareness. However, this article argues that the political awareness of young people in Japan is not low, and that the problem lies in the difficulty of access to politics for the young. This article investigates student movements around the world focusing on age of eligibility to run for election. In countries and regions where university students reach the age of eligibility to run for election during their school years, student movements to develop into political parties, and core members can become politicians while they are still university students. On the other hand, in Japan, the late age of eligibility to run for election means that students cannot enter politics during their time in university. In addition, given the Japanese traditional employment system, there is a significant risk involved in stopping regular employment to become a politician, which is not permanent employment, as it is dependent on election results. Thus, Japanese university students who are interested in politics are less likely to sustain that interest and become politicians after graduating from university.

Abigail H. Neely, Alex M. Nading

Xuan Jiang, Sun-hee Choi

Asih Setiawati

The objectif or research are to determine student perceptions about indicators of quality of service of universities from lecturer and administrative personnel, forms of services and things that are still weak in quality services in universities. The data were supplemented using a questionnaire consisting of closed and open questions. The number of samples analyzed were 370 respondents, using purposive sampling method at seven universities in Indonesia. Quantitative data analysis used is the validity, reliability test, and descriptive statistics, while qualitative data are analyzed using the contents. The results show that in general the students agree with the high quality indicators of higher education developed. Agreement on the non-discrimination and the lowest aspects of the aspect of easy and cheap. Students who need high service should be without discrimination but still allow for better service seen from the ease and generosity in the service. In general, students demand all universities that have run a quality service. Even so there are various problems that still need to be fixed. There are four problems with aspect, problem, problem solution, problem solution, problem solution, and problem, and problem, accountability, problem and ethics. Steps need to be taken to improve student perceptions of the importance of college public indicators and improvements to issues united by students on the services of higher education.

D. Gedeeva

The paper introduces into scientific discourse a document contained in Kalmykia’s National Archive which is a decision of the Zargo Court, a consultative organ affiliated to the executive office of the Kalmyk Khanate and endowed with administrativejudicial powers. It contains data about borders of seasonal nomadic relocations between uluses (subordinate communities) of the Kalmyk noyons (landlords) as of 1765. The document testifies the Kalmyks were actually occupying quite vast territories as pasture lands during the examined period. The source was investigated by historians that basically used its 18th-centiry translation. But like many other documents, it has remained virtually unknown to Kalmyk linguists. The Clear Script text is a precious source for further vocabulary and grammar studies of the 18th-century Kalmyk language.

Ibnu Salman, Warjio Warjio, Isnaini Isnaini

Focus penelitian ini adalah Sekolah Dasar pada Yayasan Perguruan Al Manar Kecamatan Hamparan Perak, sebagai Sekolah Dasar Swasta yang mendapat bantuan BOS dari pemerintah. Penelitian ini bersifat penelitian sosial empirik dengan Metode analisis deskriptif, pendekatan dilakukan adalah kualitatif. Data yang diperoleh berasal dari informan, wawancara, data lapangan serta data referensi buku dan perundang-undangan. Hasil dari penelitian ini didapatkan bahwa Penyaluran  BOS  dilakukan  setiap  3  (tiga)  bulan  (triwulan), yaitu Januari-Maret, April-Juni, Juli-September, dan Oktober-Desember. Pengelolaannya menggunakan Manajemen Berbasis Sekolah (MBS) yang dikelola  oleh  SD/SDLB/SMP/SMPLB  dan  SMA/SMALB/SMK. Laporan merupakan  pertanggung  jawaban  atas pelaksanaan  kegiatan yang  dibiayai  dana  BOS  dan buku  dibuat  setiap  triwulan. Pertanggungjawaban  keuangan BOS harus  sesuai  dengan  petunjuk  teknis  yang  telah ditentukan dengan administrasi yang lengkap, sehingga  dituntut  sumberdaya  sekolah  yang membuat  SPJ BOS. Pengawasan Dana BOS dilakukan oleh pengawas Internal dan Eksternal, pengawasan BOS meliputi pengawasan melekat, pengawasan fungsional, dan pengawasan masyarakat. Pengawasan  fungsional  internal  oleh  Inspektorat  Jenderal  Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan serta inspektorat daerah provinsi  dan  kabupaten/kota. Pengawasan  oleh  Badan  Pengawas  Keuangan  dan  Pembangunan (BPKP)  dengan  melakukan  audit  atas  permintaan  instansi  yang akan diaudit. Pemeriksaan  oleh  Badan  Pemeriksa  Keuangan  (BPK)  sesuai dengan kewenangan. serta Pengawasan masyarakat dalam  rangka  transparansi pelaksanaan program  BOS  oleh  unsur  masyarakat.