Hasil untuk "Asia and Eurasia, Africa, Pacific Area, and Antarctica"

Nikifortseva A.N.

The article examines the theoretical and practical development of the “Three No’s” system in China's fight against corruption: "no dare to be corrupted, no option to be corrupted, and no desire to be corrupted". Since 2012, the “Three No’s” concept has been incorporated into party and state documents, as well as anti-corruption plans. Over time, the formulation, order and content of the concept have evolved, and in 2019, the “unified promotion of the 'Three No’s'” was established as the core anti-corruption policy and an important intra-party governance strategy. The development and wording refinement of the “ Three No’s” concept reflect the dynamic nature of China's anti-corruption policy. Currently, the system, based on three complementary mechanisms, is an important component of the anti-corruption policy in the People's Republic of China.

Ko Maeda, Michael Strausz

Conservative parties and politicians are often caught in a dilemma regarding immigration policies. Business interest groups and xenophobic populist forces both support conservative political parties but expect fundamentally different immigration policies. Japan is a rare case among advanced democracies that has experienced neither large-scale immigration nor the emergence of xenophobic populism. Yet, Japan’s conservative government, facing the reality of a rapidly aging and declining population, has begun to loosen immigration policy. We analyze the ruling party politicians’ policy positions on foreign worker intake and demonstrate that their views have shifted in a pro-foreign-worker direction, especially among legislators representing rural areas that have seen a sharp increase in foreign residents.

Safronova Elena I.

The main objective of the article is to characterize both the external and underlying reasons for the American tariff demarche, to reveal their geoeconomic and geopolitical prerequisites. The work is based on the consideration of tariff perturbations within the triangle “USA–China–Latin America”, because it is the Latin American continent that is now at the crossroads of the interests of the USA and China in the non-Western world, possessing special advantages compared to other regions of the Global South. The article confirms the idea that the practice of protectionism, including the introduction of tariffs, has currently lost the role of a trade and economic mechanism, turning into an instrument of political pressure and sanctions. The author characterizes the conditions under which American tariffs could have, if not complete, then compromise success in dialogue with the PRC, as well as the measures that China has chosen to dampen the American tariff “attack”. The author also describes the current state of Sino-Brazilian relations in the light of the tariff threat and notes the fact of the participation of Latin American countries in the practice of protectionism against Chinese goods. This can be explained not only by the desire to protect domestic producers, but also by the reluctance to distance themselves from the United States.

Novikova E.S., Prokudin M.S.

The article considers the prospects for the development of the electric vehicle market in ASEAN countries in the context of global trends and regional peculiarities. The factors contributing to the growth of the industry, the current state of the market, investment activity, as well as technological and infrastructural limitations are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the role of government programs in stimulating production and integrating the region into the international supply chains. The main barriers slowing down the development of the sector are highlighted, including the high cost of technology, insufficient charging infrastructure, and the need to localize the production of key components. Based on the study, recommendations are offered to strengthen the region's position, covering measures to promote localized manufacturing, expand the network of charging stations, and support innovation. The authors highlight the potential of ASEAN as a promising center for global electric vehicle production.

Qingyun Liu, Xiuwu Wang, Jiangong Zhu et al.

Kobelev E.V.

The presented historical essay is dedicated to the events of the Vietnam War (1955–1975), in which the author participated as a war correspondent of TASS. From the perspective of an eyewitness, he describes realities of the journalist's work in Hanoi, from where correspondents from different countries sent information reports on the fighting. The essay shows vivid examples of the role that interpersonal relationships played in the international journalistic environment and how they were reflected in the personal fate of the author. The article describes in detail how the situation in Hanoi changed from a local perspective during different periods of the war and what factors influenced the promotion of correspondence in the USSR and competing countries. Of particular value are the unique photographs from the author's archive, which illustrate the narrative and make the material especially interesting from the point of view of history, including the history of the development of the Russian media, as well as in parallel with modernity.

Kobelev E.V.

This essay examines two mutually exclusive positions on the origins and development of the Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party (KPRP). The first is the position of the Pol Pot ‒ Ieng Sary group: the revolutionary movement in Cambodia developed and won independently. The second is the position of the healthy forces of the KPRP: the Cambodian revolution is a part of the revolutions in Vietnam and Laos. The revolutions in the three countries ‒ Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia ‒ took different paths and triumphed at different times, allowing Pol Pot's group to claim that the Kampuchean revolution had no connection with the Indochinese Communist Party. After France conquered Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia in the second half of the 19th century, the three countries became part of the Indochina Federation, with Vietnam playing a leading role. The author shows that the national liberation movement in Cambodia developed within the framework of the Indochina Union. The Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), created by Ho Chi Minh in 1930, also included Cambodian communists, so at that time the relations between the anti-colonial forces of Cambodia and Vietnam were of a close fraternal nature. Thanks to the help of the Workers' Party of Vietnam and the CPSU, the revolution in Cambodia was ahead of events in Vietnam and Laos. The anti-people actions of the Pol Pot regime caused wide discontent among the population. Pol Pot's authorities made public the essence of their conflict with Vietnam, declaring at press conferences and in the mass media that Vietnam was seeking to include Kampuchea in the Indochina Federation controlled by Vietnam. In 2017, Cambodia and Vietnam signed a framework agreement to connect the economies of the two countries. In 2022, Cambodia, with the support of Vietnam, became the chairman of ASEAN. 2022 was declared the Year of Vietnam- Cambodian Friendship. The allied experience of Cambodia and Vietnam can be useful for modern Russia.

Ni Zhang, Jia Jiang, Yuehua Song

Gorchakova T.E.

A couple of years ago cryptocurrencies were the lot of enthusiasts. Having an electronic wallet with a few thousand bitcoins was not perceived as a sign of wealth or even prosperity, and the tokens were worth almost nothing. But the situation began to change when crypto billionaires, having earned their fortune exclusively on cryptocurrency, began to appear one after another. Digital currency, invented in 2008, has changed the world's understanding of money. Out of the control of banks or corporations, its price was completely dependent on supply and demand, and the potential profit, small commissions charged for its use, and low transaction fees started to attract people from all over the world. Cryptocurrencies have been criticized by the authorities and the official financial systems of the Russian Federation for a long time. However, after the withdrawal of Visa and Mastercard from the Russian market, the disconnection of some banks from SWIFT, and the problems associated with international transfers due to the refusal of a number of large Western correspondent banks to work with Russian counterparties, the Russian authorities, apparently, began to change their approach, somewhat softening the attitude towards the development of the crypto industry in Russia. At the same time, the US and EU realized that Russia could use cryptocurrencies as an alternative to the traditional banking system and avoid sanctions against Russian citizens, which led them to call on international crypto companies to stop interacting with the Russians. The article examines the reaction of various countries, especially the countries of East and Southeast Asia, and their crypto companies to the introduction of the US and EU ban on working with Russian crypto investors.

Skvortsova E.M.

This review is based on the materials published in April – June 2022 in various media of East Asian countries, which cover the most relevant topics for the region during this period. The review describes the development of the situation with COVID-19 in Shanghai and the impact of a strict lockdown in the world’s largest port on the stability of international supply chains. It also covers the epidemiological situation in the DPRK, which officially announced the first cases of COVID-19 infection. The results of the presidential elections in the Philippines and the political plans of the newly elected president are also described. Finally, US President Joe Biden's visit to Japan and the Republic of Korea and the US-proposed Indo-Pacific Economic Framework are reviewed.

Samsonova V.G.

The demographic situation in the Republic of Korea remains difficult, despite government measures to counter this phenomenon. The catastrophically low birth rate and the increase in the proportion of elderly people have a negative impact on the economic and social spheres. The country has to rely on an increasingly expensive labor force and simultaneously attract foreign migrants. In addition, there is growing tension associated with the weakening of the traditional family model in the Republic of Korea, due to the increase in the number of childless families, lonely old people and young people who refuse to get married officially. The article presents an analysis of the current demographic situation, taking into account the historical prerequisites that led to it. State programs and current methods of optimizing demographic policy are also considered. The author comes to the conclusion that, despite the state strategy aimed at increasing the birth rate and reducing the rate of natural population decline, it is not possible to achieve significant results in the short term. Various kinds of financial subsidies to families with children do not solve the main contradictions that lie in the entrenched system of labor relations, which does not tolerate long maternity leave, and gender inequality in wages. As a result, Korean women usually do not return to work after having children. Moreover, the developed support measures do not cover the costs associated with the education of children and the solution of housing issues. In the migration sphere, the Republic of Korea will continue to face constant challenges associated with an increase in the number of illegal migrants and problems of adaptation of children born in multicultural families.

Skvortsova E.M.

This review is based on the materials published in October – December 2022 in various media of East Asian countries, which cover the most relevant topics for the region during this period. The review considers the results of the 20th National Congress of the CCP held in Beijing, the results achieved by the PRC and the tasks set for the future. The G20 summit in Indonesia and the attempts of the world leaders to reach consensus amid current international tensions are analyzed. The report describes the farewell of the Chinese people and the world community to Jiang Zemin, the representative of the third generation of the leadership of the PRC, the contribution he made to the modernization of China and the development of Russian-Chinese relations is considered. Finally, it focuses on the recent steps taken by the Chinese leadership to ease anti-COVID restrictions.

Aimé-Parfait Niyonkuru

This paper discusses the jurisdiction of Burundi’s Commission Nationale des Terres et autres Biens (National Commission on Land and other Assets) and of the Cour Spéciale des Terres et autres Biens (Special Court on Land and other Assets) where the State of Burundi, directly or indirectly, is involved. Considering that the double mechanism (i.e. the National Commission on Land and other Assets and the Special Court on Land and other Assets) is meant to deal with disputes opposing either the sinistrés or the sinistrés to third parties, public or private services, the paper particularly questions the jurisdiction rationae personae of the abovementioned mechanism and the receivability of some of the cases. For the purposes of Burundi’s law on the CNTB promulgated in December 2013, the term “sinistré” (literally “disaster victim”) “refers to the individual or legal person, among others the association or [the] company under private law, the person repatriated, displaced, regrouped or dispersed, widow, orphan, as well as any other person despoiled of his/her goods as result of the tragic events that occurred in (Burundi) since [its] independence” (see art.2, below). Compared to its predecessor, the 2019 Law on the National Commission on Land and other Assets is somewhat restrictive. For the persons listed above to be “sinistrés”, the condition is that they could not make their claims or could not obtain an appropriate follow-up to their request as a result of the socio-political context (see art. 2 in fine). Basically, this paper suggests the lack of jurisdiction of both the Commission and the Court where they did not conclude that one of the parties to the dispute was sinistré in accordance to the definition of this term in each relevant law governing Burundi’s Commission on Land and other Assets. The paper further argues that, unless the author of a request before the Commission claims that he/she is a sinistré, his/her case should be declared non-receivable. All these issues are addressed in the light of three cases among those which received significant publicity in media, namely, the so-called RUGOFARM, RUZIZI and KIGERI cases.

Asmolov K.V.

Although the study of the DPRK’s internal policy is associated with a number of additional difficulties, we can note several trends characteristic of recent years. First of all, it is the completion of constitutional changes that strengthen the leadership of the new leader, as well as the disappearance of references to the Taean system and the “Songun” principle from the Constitution. We also mention economic construction as the highest priority after the nuclear shield has already been forged. At the same time, while there is no reason to question the stability of Kim Jong-Un's power, he does not develop his own cult of personality, perpetuating his father instead and introducing the term “Kim Il-Sung – Kim Jong-Il ideas”. The leader of the DPRK often rotates officials, but the removal from the office does not mean total purge. It can be assumed that although all strategic decisions are made by Kim, there are carriers of different approaches around him who are given the opportunity to prove their conceptions. The regime is actively fighting corruption and abuse of power, pursuing more attention to internal problems and more open discussion of them (by North Korean standards). This is accompanied by a certain tightening of the screws in the sphere of ideology and information policy, but Kim's strategy looks more subtle, is not limited to simple prohibitions and is partly based on available scientific and technical solutions. Finally, the North Korean nomenclature has a female face. First of all, this is Kim Yo-Jong, but Choi Song-Hee and Hyun Song-Wol can be noted in less significant areas. Thus, we can say that Kim Jong-Un is developing his own leadership style, which fully meets the requirements of the time, adjusted for the country's endemics: restructuring of the system in the DPRK is underway and is aimed not at “preserving the regime at any cost”, but at improving the quality of the state and party apparatus.

Ursil Lelo Di Makungu, Blaise Iyamba Valentin, Augustin Bedidjo Ular et al.

The Congolese hydrocarbons sector is one of the key areas of the national economy and constitutes one of the main resources for financing the state budget. However, the uncontrolled exploitation of hydrocarbons can have consequences on the environment as a whole, which is a natural resource essential to human life and to terrestrial and marine biodiversity. To this end, the first principle of the Stockholm Declaration adopted by the 1972 United Nations Conference on the Human Environment states that “Man has a fundamental right to freedom, equality and adequate conditions of life, in an environment of a quality that permits a life of dignity and well-being. He has a solemn duty to protect and improve the environment for present and future generations”. From the above, the protection of the environment is part of the international commitments of States to promote, in particular, sustainable development. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), on the other hand, the lack of an adequate policy on hydrocarbon exploitation and environmental protection has enormous repercussions and unfortunate consequences on the entire Congolese population despite the absolute poverty that the latter is already experiencing. This paper awaits the implementation of adequate proposals to enable policy makers to know where to start in order to ensure sound hydrocarbon governance and sustainable environmental protection in the DRC. It is also a question of demonstrating that sound governance of hydrocarbons and environmental protection requires, in particular, the participation and efforts of everyone: first of all a political will, then a strong involvement of the public authorities, of the companies which invest in the hydrocarbons sector, and a change in the mentalities of the citizens for the integral and sustainable development of the DRC in line with its hydrocarbon potential.

Ursil Lelo Di Makungu, Daddy Bogole Bolimia, Juvénal Madigo Ntekenge et al.

La gouvernance durable des aires protégées est généralement motivée au nom de l’intérêt général en dépit de l’imprécision juridique qui caractérise cette notion. Afin d‘assurer cette gouvernance durable pour la conservation des aires protégées, la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC), a besoin non seulement des moyens matériels, financiers et humains, mais surtout des politiques publiques clairement définies et orientées vers la conservation durable de ses ressources matérialisées dans un instrument juridique sectoriel. Par ailleurs, la loi n°14/003 du 11 février 2014 relative à la conservation de la nature apparait comme le véritable instrument efficace et adapté de la concrétisation et de la mise en œuvre de la politique publique en matière de gestion durable des aires protégées. Cependant l’usage arbitraire de cette notion d’intérêt général sans contenu juridique clair risque de paraître plutôt comme une géomancie juridique et administrative pour porter atteinte à la conservation de la nature, à la suite de l’absence de l’échelle de valeur pour mieux cerner d’une part, les mesures de conservation et de l’autre, les dérogations à ces mesures. Suite à cette difficulté d’évaluation des valeurs liées à la conservation et aux restrictions y afférentes, le législateur entretient un flou offrant ainsi un pouvoir exorbitant au pouvoir public à l’Etat et aux entités territoriales au nom de l’intérêt de pouvoir. Certains acteurs de la politique publique s’accordent des pouvoirs arbitraires au nom de cet intérêt afin de substituer une zone de conservation à une autre activité contraire aux objectifs et principes de conservation durable des aires protégées. Cette étude entend aborder la notion d’intérêt public qui du reste, sujette à des diverses appréhensions et conception tant par le pouvoir public que par l’opinion publique, suite à sa vitalité dans une perspective spatio-temporelle. Les indicateurs de l’analyse de conciliation du concept d’intérêt public au contexte du droit congolais de la conservation de la nature révèlé plutôt être une pure supercherie intellectuelle instaurée par le législateur et dont le pouvoir public s’en sert pour enfreindre les mesures de conservation de la nature. C’est autour de toute ces questions que la présente étude à bien voulu répondre aux préoccupations de la compréhension de la notion d’intérêt public, son contenu, ses critères et fonctions, son utilité, le lien qu’il entretien avec le droit de la conservation et son avenir dans le domaine de la conservation de la nature en RDC.

Aimé-Parfait Niyonkuru

Malysheva A.V.

The article provides a brief overview of the development of the Chinese grammar study by scholars in Europe and the United States from the moment the first descriptions appeared in the 17th century to the publication of studies at the present time. The purpose of this article is to describe the main stages in the study of Chinese parts of speech (word classes) in the works of linguists for the time of the existence of Western Sinology. The publication of the “Basic principles for writing clearly and coherently by Mister Ma” (“Ma shi wen tong”) by Chinese linguist Ma Jianzhong is regarded as a point, which divided European and American history of Chinese grammar study in general and parts of speech in particular into two periods: the period of “independent” description and the period of research in-parallel or together with native speakers.