Octavia Wulandari, Arif Surya Volta, Marzuki Marzuki
et al.
This study aims to analyze the integration and implementation of Digital Citizenship Education (DCE) in Indonesia's national curriculum as a preventive measure against the increasing cases of cyberbullying among teenagers. The study was conducted through a literature review of curriculum policy documents and relevant journal articles. The results show that cases of cyberbullying in Indonesia continue to increase, especially among young people who use social media. Although the government has strengthened regulations through revisions to the Electronic Information and Transactions Law, law enforcement has not been effective enough without the support of digital values and ethics education in schools. An analysis of the Merdeka Curriculum reveals that PKD is not yet a separate subject, but is integrated into certain subjects such as Informatics, Religious Education and Morality, and Pancasila Education, and is implemented across the curriculum. This integration is still implicit and focuses on digital literacy. Therefore, it is necessary to develop a systematic and applicable PKD learning model, emphasizing four main elements in preventing cyberbullying, namely digital communication, digital literacy, digital etiquette, and digital law. These four elements are important in shaping the character of digital citizens who are smart, ethical, and responsible.
Keywords: Digital Citizenship Education, Cyberbullying, Indonesia
Special aspects of education, Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)
Over the course of the twentieth century, labor unions emerged across the globe in reaction to the widespread growth of industrial wage labor. The relative strength of unions saw a secular decline in the late twentieth century that has only continued in the early twenty-first century. Debates among sympathetic activists and scholars over the sources of this decline and how to reverse it have intensified alongside resurgent contemporary concern with economic inequality. This article argues that the recurrent focus of American labor scholars and activists within these debates on increasing internal union democracy as a means of revitalizing unions is fundamentally misguided. The promotion of liberal procedural rights, including broader and more direct elections, as a mechanism of accountability and source of renewed institutional dynamism will * Associate Professor of Law, The University of Hong Kong; J.D. Yale; Ph.D. U.C. Berkeley. Earlier drafts of this paper were greatly improved by participants at Comparative Approaches to Public and Private Regulation: The U.S. and Brazil (Columbia Law School), the 13th Brazilian Congress on International Law (University of Fortaleza), The International Law/International Relations Colloquium (Cornell Law School), the Colloquium on Scholarship in Employment and Labor Law (University of Washington), the Center for Law in the Contemporary Workplace’s Douglas Cunningham Speaker Series (Queen’s University Faculty of Law), and the 2016 ASCL Annual Work-In-Progress Comparative Law Workshop (UCLA Law School). For their specific feedback, I am most indebted to Kevin Banks, Mark Barenberg, Weitseng Chen, Matthew Dimick, Chris Erikson, Eli Friedman, Stan Getz, Charlotte Garden, Ana Virginia Gomes, Katherine Judge, Nicolas Lamp, Brian Langille, Maximo Langer, Odette Lienau, Cesar Rosado Marzán, Curtis Milhaupt, Mariana Pargendler, Aziz Rana, Jacqueline Ross, Kim Lane Schapelle, Chantal Thomas, Laura Weinrib, Frank Upham, and Noah Zatz. Special thanks to the Centre for Asian Legal Studies at the National University of Singapore. All errors and omissions are my own. Published by Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository, 2018 616 U. Pa. J. Int’l L. [Vol. 39:3] only further hasten the demise of labor unions in the United States and elsewhere. By contrast, labor unions were historically founded in explicitly corporatist, group-based notions of democratic process. Following corporatist theories of politics which allow the state to legally identify and regulate collective bargaining agents, unions operate to centralize and aggregate labor interests to facilitate their core functions of wage-bargaining and the acquisition of political capital. Thus, unions’ potential for achieving social influence and economic justice for their members is predicated on accumulating power through collective action. Collective action whose potency correlates with the effective strength of unions’ powers of internal discipline in and outside the workplace – powers directly undermined by solely liberal conceptions of the union/worker relationship and are unavoidably sourced in performative loyalty rather than electoral accountability. Following this corporatist logic, over the long-run, efforts to promote greater internal union democracy have failed to improve the performance of unions as wage-bargainers or as political agents. Unions have been key to movements for political democratization, but this effect has been achieved by channeling and disciplining class politics rather than serving as the foundation for the bottomup creation of social movement capital. Following a misconception of the individual workplace as a source of class solidarity, procedural localism focuses labor conflict where workers are most vulnerable to retaliation and least likely to induce broad based solidarity, a mistake only worsened by contemporary workplace authoritarianism. As a result, internal union democracy campaigns over the long run have ultimately resulted in weakened unions later returning to corporatist strategies. Moreover, the emphasis on internal union democracy has left unions susceptible to judicial and political assaults across the globe which exemplify the limits of negative liberal rights to address social power asymmetries, especially in common law countries. This mistaken focus on union democracy is redoubled when the international influence of U.S. labor scholarship inspires calls for union democratization as a salutatory reform elsewhere. To substantiate these claims, this article uses a trilateral comparison between the development of collective bargaining in the United States, Brazil, and China to demonstrate the inevitable pull of unions towards corporatist bargaining, even among nations with quite different regulatory regimes—but all where calls for greater union https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/jil/vol39/iss3/2 2018] The False Hope of Union Democracy 617 democracy have at points been made. The article reinterprets the history of the decentralized U.S. labor union model, formally infused with liberal procedural norms, as one where the success of U.S. unions followed their ability to replicate corporatist behaviors through union mergers, pattern bargaining, sympathy strikes and other collective tactics, described as “aspirational corporatism.” By contrast, the relative success of the now-threatened Brazilian union model has been predicated on the elision of liberal norms, described as “hyper-corporatism,” even though calls for union democracy were a rallying cry during Brazil’s political democratization. These two examples are then contrasted with the Chinese Communist Party’s experiments with workplace proceduralism within its state labor union as a tactic to weaken the horizontal bonds of the evergrowing Chinese labor movement, while also seeking to designate collective bargaining units to ease labor unrest—described here as “simulated corporatism.” This comparative and historical analysis is not meant to critique the role of unions as instruments for economic fairness, but it is meant to help guide efforts to best realize their capabilities. The corporatist function of unions naturally moves them away from more radical reforms to transform the modern workplace which would alienate other established economic and political actors. In this regard, no structural configuration of internal union procedure can substitute for the presence of a broader labor politics or specific labor party. Thus, efforts to create or foster workplace relations governed by deeper norms of participatory economic democracy should be directed elsewhere. Published by Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository, 2018 618 U. Pa. J. Int’l L. [Vol. 39:3]
Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimana komunitas Bali di Kota Padang mempertahankan identitas budaya mereka di tengah dominasi budaya lokal Minangkabau yang kuat. Menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif, data dikumpulkan melalui wawancara mendalam dengan tokoh adat, pemuka agama, dan anggota komunitas Bali. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pelestarian budaya dilakukan melalui praktik keagamaan seperti upacara Manusia yadnya, berupa budaya bayi lahir (otonan), kehidupan (pawiwahan dan mepandes), serta pengantar kematian (ngaben). Komunitas juga mempertahankan sistem kekerabatan patrilineal, meskipun mengalami adaptasi dalam konteks lokal. Dalam bidang pendidikan, nilai-nilai Hindu Bali ditanamkan melalui pendidikan nonformal di Pura Jagadnatha. Strategi adaptasi dilakukan dengan aktif berinteraksi sosial, berpartisipasi dalam organisasi lintas agama, serta berbaur dalam kehidupan masyarakat. Penelitian ini menegaskan bahwa pelestarian identitas budaya minoritas dapat berjalan harmonis apabila disertai dengan sikap terbuka dan kolaboratif terhadap lingkungan mayoritas, serta menjadi kontribusi penting dalam memperkuat nilai-nilai multikulturalisme di Indonesia.
Special aspects of education, Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)
Sense of place, as an intangible perception, is widely recognized as an urban identity and of great value in both cross-cultural studies and contemporary urbanism. Building façade material can effectively capture sense of place due to its combination of physical and social attributes. Nevertheless, there are no widely implementable and high-resolution approaches to identify façade materials on a large scale. As a response, this study proposes a method using street view images (SVIs) and a set of deep Convolutional Neural Networks (CNNs) to identify building façade materials. Specifically, a large cross-cultural training set was built to promote generalizability. Buildings within SVIs were divided into high-resolution rectangular images and classified using a well-trained Residual Network-50 (ResNet-50) model. Sense of place and its spatial patterns were then depicted by measuring façade material and analytical indicators including diversity and continuity. Eight cities worldwide with distinctive urban identities were examined. The findings revealed that compared to Asian cities, New York City, Chicago, and London are similar, while Paris and Tokyo are more distinctive. While challenges persist in comprehensively measuring the sense of place, the analysis of façade materials offers an insightful indicator that can assist in enhancing urban identity for contemporary urbanism. This study not only promotes the fine development of urban science through the empowerment of intelligent algorithms but also introduces a new perspective on exploring unmeasurable qualities based on the objective physical environment.
In the 1960s, many East Asian Tiger countries, such as Taiwan, Malaysia, China, etc., faced unfavourable socio-economic conditions like those facing many African countries such as Rwanda. For example, in the 1960s, Singapore was classified as an undeveloped country, with its GDP per capita standing at less than $320. However, all these countries managed to reach a development level like that of Western and North American countries (such as the U.S. and Canada), within a space of less than 15 years. Today, Singapore’s GDP per capita has risen to an incredible $84,501, making it the sixth highest GDP per capita in the world. With Vision 2020, President Kagame promised that Rwanda, which he referred to as “the African lion”, would cruise faster to the middle-income country status faster than Singapore and other middle income status countries, most of which are in East-Asia in less than 20 years. Thirteen years after the introduction of Rwanda’s Vision 2020, President Kagame dashed off the Wall Street Journal and other western media which often referred to Rwanda’s economic development as “the economic tiger of Africa” in his 2013 famous statement as follows: “There is a view that development is a marathon, not a sprint. We do not agree. Development is a marathon that must be run at a sprint. In our pursuit of progress, we have, of course, looked to East Asia’s so-called “tiger” economies for inspiration. But Africa’s experience is unique, and we must now define our own destiny. So, while being described as an “African tiger” is a welcome recognition of how far Rwanda has come, perhaps it isn’t quite right. After all, our continent has its own big cat. Step forward, the new lions of Africa.”. To achieve this objective between 2000 and 2020, Rwanda’s GDP per capita needed to increase from 254.94 USD (2000) to $1240 (in 2020), and the GDP growth rate was to grow consistently between 7% and 10% for a period of 20 years (2000–2020). The objective of this article is to critically analyse how the Government of Rwanda failed to achieve its promise of achieving a middle-income status (MICS) between 2000 and 2020. In 2000 the Rwandan president Paul Kagame launched Rwanda’s Vision 2020. This was a long-term framework for Rwanda’s development in 20 (i.e., 2000–2020). The idea behind Rwanda’s leadership was to imitate whatever Singapore did to become a developed country in just 15 years after its independence in 1965. Blatantly stated, President Paul Kagame wanted to turn his country into the Singapore of Africa. The IMF states that “Vision 2020 was the longer-term socio-economic development framework that sought to transform Rwanda into a middle-income country by 2020”. There is no doubt that Rwanda has made some developmental strides through the implementation of Vision 2020 as an instrument for operationalisation for the Singaporean-modelled developmental state over the past 20 years and has succeeded in some areas. However, the Government of Rwanda has failed in many areas and has failed to achieve the prestigious MICS in 2020. Therefore, among the many gaps in the current literature that this research seeks close is to find out what were some of the accomplishments that Rwanda’s Vision 2020 was unable to achieve? Why did the Government of Rwanda fail to achieve middle-income status within 20 years? What insights can other developing countries gain from Rwanda’s Vision 2020 experience? This study is a significant contribution to the current theoretical knowledge as it sheds light on the reasons behind the Government of Rwanda’s failure to achieve middle-income country status in 2020, a topic that has been largely ignored by the Government’s documents and the media. Despite Rwanda’s Vision 2020, there has been no scientific study to date that has attempted to deal with this topic. Therefore, this study, titled “Why the Government of Rwanda failed to achieve middle-income status (MICS) in 2020” is likely the first of its kind. By addressing this crucial issue, this study aims to provide valuable insights into the factors that hindered Rwanda’s progress towards becoming a middle-income country, which could be beneficial for other African countries as well. This research is exploratory because the topic, specifically why Rwanda didn’t reach middle-income country (MIC) status in 2020, hasn’t been widely explored or discussed in academic or scientific communities. Addressing the question of why the Rwandan government failed in this goal is important not only for understanding Rwanda’s development challenges but also for drawing lessons that could benefit other African and developing countries around the world. The research used qualitative methodology, relying on thematic content analysis of the literature and a desktop review. The main finding of this research is that Singapore and other countries that achieved high levels of development in the East-Asian Tiger countries have fundamental political, economic, cultural, social, and administrative and leadership conditions that facilitated its transition from a very poor country to a developed country in under 15 years after its independence. The absence of some of socio-economic, geopolitical and technological conditions like those in Singapore and other countries that have achieved impressive development levels over the past 50 years, explain why Rwanda failed to become a middle-income country in 2020 and the reason why its dream to become the African Singapore remains a piped dream.
Indonesian and Malay share a common ancestral origin. After being separated nearly a century ago, the trajectories of these two languages have diverged significantly. While Indonesian has experienced rapid growth, Malay has lagged. Amid discussions about establishing a lingua franca in the ASEAN region, both languages have been proposed as potential candidates. However, despite prolonged debate, progress in this direction has faced challenges. Neighboring Malay-speaking countries advocate for Malay as the ASEAN lingua franca, while Indonesia actively promotes Indonesian. This research aimed to examine the evolution of Malay in the Archipelago or ASEAN region while demonstrating why Indonesian is a more suitable candidate for lingua franca status than Malay. The research applied qualitative methods, specifically an integrative-critical review and a netnographic approach. The findings reveal that both language share roots in a 7th-century Southeast Asian lingua franca, which was later modernized during colonialism and played a pivotal role in regional trade. This shared historical legacy continues to influence the collective identity of ASEAN Linguistically, Indonesians have developed more complex markers than Malay, reflecting Indonesia’s dynamic sociocultural evolution. These features align with universal language principles, facilitating precise and efficient communication. Additionally, sociolinguistic and geopolitical advantages have bolstered Indonesia’s prominence, leading to its adoption in foreign education and UNESCO recognition. In contrast, Malay has not achieved comparable milestones.
Political science, Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)
Since the fall of Indonesia's Suharto regime in 1998, politics in Makassar, the capital of South Sulawesi province, has been characterised by a competitive form of elite domination. Major political families, most with roots in the ruling elite of the Suharto period, have captured power and used it to further their economic interests while engaging in bitter intra-elite feuds. Through studies of three large-scale coastal reclamation projects, the study reveals patterns of interaction between political elites and business groups in the province. Successive mayors and governors have sponsored rival reclamation projects, directing tenders toward favoured business partners and sidelining allies of rivals. Yet these projects also reveal the limits of power of local politicians: while they support favoured local partners, none has been able to sideline large national conglomerates involved in these projects. Instead, big investors are more or less immune to local political change.
International relations, Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
This article purposes to analyze and discuss the Hamka's neo-Sufism idea. It is related and contextualized to various problems that emerge in modern society, especially capitalistic industrialization, and hedonistic culture. This article states that Hamka's neo-Sufism aims to find true happiness and transcendence (ma’rifatullah). Through the practice of Hamka's neo-Sufism, it will protect a Muslim from all temptations for the interests of the accumulation of wealth and the pleasures of worldly life. Neo-Sufism persistently strengthens the spiritual quality of a Muslim, making one always aware of when dealing with changing life contexts.
Social sciences (General), Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)
The conservation of historic buildings is currently a key concern of the state, and historic buildings contain the rich cultural heritage and social significance of the city. With the continuous development of the city, the demand for the sustainable use and renewal of historical buildings has increased. In the research of green sustainable use of historical buildings conservation, western countries have accumulated a series of pioneering theories and practical experiences for the relevant development of Asian countries and provided an international context for the relevant development of Asian countries. The green sustainable conservation and adaptive reuse projects of Wuhan Pinghe Packing Factory and Wuhan Theatre in China not only epitomizes the achievements and realities of different Asian countries in this field, but also serve as a reference for the sustainable use and renewal of historic buildings conservation.
PurposeBusiness-to-business (B2B) firms increasingly have a need for frontline sales employees who can both sell and service customer account, a task known as sales-service ambidexterity which may pose significant challenges to frontline sales employees. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to show that one has to be cognizant of the potential negative consequences brought about requiring frontline sales employees to engage in sales-service ambidexterity and find a way to mitigate such negative consequences.Design/methodology/approachThe multisource data for this study was collected from frontline sales employees and their respective supervisors working across multiple B2B pharmaceutical companies in a Southeast Asian country. The data were analyzed using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) and PROCESS Macro.FindingsThe results reveal a negative indirect effect of sales-service ambidexterity sales performance through role overload. This negative indirect effect is fully neutralized when information exchange is high but not when it is low.Originality/valueThis study underscores the importance of not only the negative consequence of sales-service ambidexterity but also offers insights into how this negative consequence is neutralized so that sales performance is maximized.
The history of pizza is shrouded in mystery. Competing interpretations of the exact origin, development, and even etymology are as diverse as pizzas themselves. What is certain, however, is that from various types of flatbread meals popular among soldiers and poor workers emerged some standards. Certain experts were then able to refine the process and carefully combine ingredients. The key to this tradition, as well as its popularity around the world, is found in the core elements developed by such pizzaiolos. But this has all changed, and contemporary pizza is no longer topped with whatever just happens to be available, as in the flatbreads of old. Nor does it have to adhere to the standards set forth by experts on taste. Today there are Hawaiian, chocolate, and even fruit pizzas. There are pizzas with cauliflower crust, smashed chicken “bread” and pizzas topped with 24 karat gold. And perhaps most importantly, customized pizzas—pizzas that are designed by the consumer with no regard for anything but their own momentary desires. We think this represents a twofold problem, in terms of both approach and of carrying on tradition, and also think comparative philosophy is just like pizza.
In this paper we will thus address these problems through proposing a conception of the trans-cultural that is linked to the art of pizza. Moreover, we expand the scope of diversification to include methodology. Based on methodological insights derived from Chinese tradition and contemporary Chinese scholarship, we argue that comparative philosophy as an art (poiesis) could be a welcome alternative which involves: respect for authority (tradition), trust in tested methods and recipes as conditions for creativity and originality, recognition of the philosophical import of style (form is content) and the significance of inspiration and mastery of skills.
Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)
ABSTRACTOn June 25th, 2021, the State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China issued a white paper entitled “China’s New Political Party System.” This document argues that the political systems of Western nations are “outdated” and emphasizes the superiority of the political system of “Chinese democracy,” as promoted by Xi Jinping. However, the Chinese government’s official English translation leaves out the context of “newness” and does not emphasize the harmfulness of the West’s “outdated” system. Why was the English version rewritten with little nuance? This could be because of a desire to avoid drawing international criticism for its plan to boost China’s “international discourse power” (国际话语权 in Chinese), which President Xi Jinping has sought to shore up. This paper argues that China’s “new political party system” was implemented as a political tool to formulate Xi Jinping’s new social science theory. Thus, it did not bring about any major changes to China’s political consultation system, in which “democratic parties” can consult with the Communist Party but basically cannot oppose or disagree. Additionally, the phrase “new political party system” was created amidst conflict around discourse power with the West and was an argument with strategic significance in its connection to foreign policy. Discussion of China’s political system is likely to become all the more important amidst the current structural conflict between the US and China.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only), Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)
The article explores Xu Fuguan’s analysis and interpretation of the concept of qiyun shengdong 氣韻生動, which is considered to be one of the most important, fundamental and complex concepts in Chinese aesthetics and art. It was created by Xie He in the Wei Jin period (220–420 AD), which is marked as a turning point in the development of Chinese aesthetics. The complexity of the concept of qiyun shengdong is reflected in literary works, painting, calligraphy, and music, as well as in literary theory and the theory of painting. According to Xu Fuguan, qi refers to the external features of the artwork, while yun expresses the internal characteristics that are a matter of the human spirit. For Xu, shengdong signifies the manifestation and fusion of qi and yun in the artwork. Xu Fuguan claimed that the profound comprehension of this concept is fundamental for understanding the essence of Chinese art. The article also addresses the problem of translating this aesthetic concept into English and discusses the problem of its authenticity.
Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)
There are some unique, rare specialists in Russian and world Oriental studies, whose names and fundamental works are associated with the creation of a new, separate area of research. Such scholars include Yuri V. Gankovsky — an outstanding Russian orientalist, Professor, Doctor of History, who traveled a long and fruitful way of academic maturity within the walls of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences / Russian Academy of Sciences (1956–2001). His research interests included the study of the Middle East, Central and South Asia countries. However, in a wide range of Professor Gankovsky’s academic research the central place was occupied by problems related to the history and contemporary state of Pakistan, which appeared on the world political map in 1947. His useful research works on different aspects of the domestic Pakistani studies, the creator and head of which he was, received worldwide fame and recognition. His huge creative legacy retains not only its scholarly relevance, but practical significance as well. It is not an exaggeration to say, that Yuri V. Gankovsky with his fruitful academic work and effective public activities, intertwined with it, as he also was the president of Pakistan Friends Association, laid the foundation for one more relevant area — academic diplomacy, which feeds official diplomacy in building constructive Soviet / Russia-Pakistan relations. According to his correct assessment, they are not determined by conjunctural considerations, but proceed from the long-term vital state interests of these two regionally close countries. All this was confirmed by the realities of current Russia-Pakistan relations, which are now on the rise.
BackgroundThe global population is ageing rapidly, with low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) undergoing a fast demographic transition. This necessitates effective services to address the increasing physical and mental health needs of multimorbid and frail older people in LMICs. We review the current provision of health and socioeconomic resources for older people in South Asian countries: Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, to identify gaps in available resources and assess areas for improvement. MethodsWe conducted a search of grey and published literature via Google Search and Compendex, EBSCO, JSTOR, Medline, Ovid, ProQuest databases, Scopus and Web of Science to extract data on population demographics, human resources, health funding and social security provision for older people. Local informants were consulted to supplement and verify the data. ResultsIn most study countries, care of the elderly is provided by general physicians or primary care doctors, nurses and community health workers, though in very low numbers per capita. The number of geriatricians and specialist allied health professionals were largely unknown, with minimal postgraduate programmes available for specific training in geriatric medicine or psychiatry. Total average healthcare expenditure as a percentage of GDP was between 2.5-5.5%, markedly below the global average of 10.0%, with between 48.1-72.0% of healthcare costs covered by out-of-pocket payments. All countries, except Pakistan, had a social pension offering a minimum level of protection against financial constraints, but with varying coverage of those eligible. Financial provision for people with dementia was only available in India and Nepal. A modest number of state and charity-run care homes were established in all countries, though numbers were disproportionate to the growing number of older adults requiring long term care.ConclusionsInadequate health funding, a lack of specific healthcare and training and insufficient government pension and social security schemes are a current threat to achieving universal health coverage in LMICs. Governing bodies must establish geriatrics and geriatric psychiatry as specialities and scale up training programmes for specific healthcare providers for the elderly. This needs to occur alongside increased social protection provision to improve access to those in need and prevent catastrophic health expenditure.
This study aims to analyze how poor students learning problems are within the limitations of capital. And then, to explore how the decision making of poor students to continue higher education. The study was conducted at a private high school, East Jakarta, using a qualitative approach and case study method. Data collection techniques with interviews, observation, and study documents. The problem of low student education will continue as long as social class differences exist. The contrast of social class plays a role in almost all aspects of education, like learning achievement and educational choices differences. This study shows poor students' inability to get learning achievement because limited economic capital makes the other money little. Poor students who have low achievement don't pursue higher education. They chose to work early, appearing almost as an "unconscious strategy" to survive in an environment full of restrictions and shortcomings. This confirms the existence of poor student habitus that determines in explaining the disposition to work early. And then, poor students who have high achievements tend to go college but resisted the risk of not choose a favorite public university.
Social sciences (General), Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)
In past work on Chinese “cosmology”, I have resisted using the term “metaphysics” because of the history of this term in classical Greek philosophy. Angus Graham has warned us of the equivocations that arise in eliding the distinction between Greek ontology and classical Chinese cosmology. In this essay, I have been inspired by my dear friend the late Yu Jiyuan’s distinction between classical Greek “metaphysics” and “contemporary metaphysics with ambiguous edges” to adapt the term “metaphysics” for use within the classical Confucian corpus. In the language of Confucian “metaphysics”, the ultimate goal of our philosophical inquiry is quite literally “to know one’s way around things’” (zhidao 知道) in the broadest possible sense of the term “things”. In the application of Confucian metaphysics, “knowing” certainly begins from the cognitive understanding of a situation, but then goes on to include the creative and practical activity of “realizing a world” through ars contextualis—the art of contextualizing things. I apply the insight that “metaphysics” so understood in the Confucian context provides a warrant for establishing a useful contrast between a Greek conception of the “human being” and a Confucian conception of “human becomings”.
Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)