Introduction. Multi-level governance (MLG) is an interdisciplinary object of research, however, despite a long period of scientific understanding, it still remains understudied in the domestic scientific discourse. In particular, there is a lack of systematic research on the use of an integrated approach to multi-level governance in the context of the formation and implementation of state national and regional policy, as well as the translation of the doctrine of multi-level governance from a political science or management perspective into a purely legal one. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to summarize the conceptual foundations of multi-level governance, as well as to determine the current state and prospects for further development of its regulatory framework in Ukraine. Summary of the main results of the study. The concept of MLG stems from the recognition that many political issues cannot be effectively managed by one government or organization alone, as well as from the need to solve the problems of managing an often complex range of public affairs in accordance with a cooperative model. This has become particularly evident in the context of increasing globalization and interaction within and between national systems and actors, as well as in relation to crises and emergencies. According to MLG theory, the role of the nation-state is changing significantly in modern conditions. One consequence of such changes can be considered the growth of partnerships and broader governance mechanisms in a more general sense. There is a spatial and functional reconfiguration of state capacities at multiple levels. States are no longer monopolizing or even necessarily central policy actors. Instead, government power is increasingly being shaped and distributed among actors operating at multiple levels. State authority is being redistributed upwards to the supranational level, downwards to regions and municipalities, and horizontally to translocal and regional connections. Functional and administrative decision-making powers are distributed among a number of state, quasi-state and non-state agents operating at multiple socio-spatial levels, with close inter-institutional ties and self-governing political mechanisms. The development of MLG (even in the presence of proven and rather indicative practices) is significantly hindered by obstacles related to problems of an institutional and legal nature. In particular, due to the lack of political will, political confrontation and the principled rejection of decentralization by certain political forces, the reform has not yet reached its logical conclusion and full implementation. Regional self-government exists only nominally, without its own executive bodies and the corresponding resource base, and the unification of territorial communities in combination with the consolidation of districts has led to a significant distance between the centers of decision-making and the places of residence of citizens, especially on the periphery. Conclusions. Since its emergence (at the end of the 20th century) and up to now, the concept of multi-level governance has been largely political in nature. Today, an important task is the “juridization” of this doctrine - filling it with legal content and translating it into the plane of legal relations and legal regulation. The term “multi-level governance” should be directly enshrined in the current legislation concerning the status of public authorities or public administration sectors, and later - within the framework of constitutional reform - enshrined at the level of the Fundamental Law of Ukraine. The procedures for public discussion, public consultations and other instruments of participatory democracy should be reflected in the documents regulating the procedure for the work of certain public authorities, primarily in regulations. Multi-level governance in the vertical aspect means the continuation of the policy of decentralization and strengthening local self-government. For Ukraine, this means continuing the decentralization reform that began in 2014 and bringing it to the constitutional level. Multilevel governance in the horizontal aspect requires legislative consolidation of participatory democracy tools, since it is the tools of participatory democracy that allow diversifying public power and bringing it to the widest possible circle of citizens. The first step on this path can be considered the addition of Article 61 to the current Law of Ukraine “On Local Self-Government in Ukraine”, which provides for an extensive list of local forms of political activity of citizens. At the same time, the relevant norms on participation in multilevel governance, in particular on the right to initiate and participate in the discussion of government decisions, should be included in the laws that determine the status of civil society institutions (“On Public Associations”, “On Youth and Children's Public Organizations”, “On Creative Unions”, “On Charity and Charitable Organizations”, “On Trade Unions, Their Rights and Guarantees of Ac-tivity” and others).
Abstract South Africa joined BRICS with the aim of benefiting from enhanced trade with the grouping, which encompasses four of the largest economies in the world. This article undertook an empirical review to determine an answer to the following research question (RQ): whether South Africa’s exports to the original four BRIC/BRICs member countries had grown and diversified following its membership over the first fourteen-year timeframe (2010–2024)? Across these, decline was identified in the findings, demonstrating that South Africa’s participation in the group has performed below its potential and stated rationale. The article notes a growing trade deficit and lack of industrialised imports from South Africa, especially when compared with the EU and the US. This is shown to be mainly due to South Africa’s asymmetrical openness towards the BRICs, including having the single-lowest tariff rates towards the other four members at 4.9 to 5.3%, while the next lowest BRICs’ general tariff is at 10.3%. Against these findings, the article makes the case for a BRICS Plus treaty in order to eliminate any tariff and non-tariff barriers, as well as formulate realistic expectations and obligations for internal cohesion and external engagement based on credible commitment.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only), Economic growth, development, planning
The article is devoted to the analysis of the institutional foundations of age-oriented public policy in the context of global demographic aging. Despite the growing recognition of age as a politically significant category, in many countries the fragmented age agenda remains the dominance of paternalistic practices and weak institutional sensitivity to the problems of ageism and age segregation. The object of the research is the age policy of states; the subject is the institutional forms and mechanisms for implementing the policy of age inclusivity. The purpose of the work is to analyze the conceptual and institutional foundations of age mainstreaming as a strategy for integrating the age dimension into public administration processes. The research solves the following tasks: substantiation of the theoretical and methodological foundations of age inclusion; analysis of international and national strategies of age mainstreaming; identification of institutional practices that ensure the involvement of older citizens in public and political life; identification of challenges to the implementation of age-sensitive policies at the state level. The research methodology is based on institutional analysis, normative political science and a comparative approach to the political practices of demographic adaptation. As a result, it is shown that age inclusivity requires rethinking old age as an active stage of life and transforming the architecture of public administration. The barriers to the institutionalization of age mainstreaming are revealed, including weak interagency coordination, insufficient representation of the elderly in government, and limited normative recognition of age as a factor of inequality. The importance of international experience (UN, WHO, EU) is noted, as well as Russian initiatives within the framework of the national Demography project are analyzed. In general, the state policy towards the elderly population is at the stage of formation, and despite some progress, there is no systematic implementation of the principles of age mainstreaming, as well as interdepartmental coordination of actions. This poses risks to sustainable development and increases age inequalities. It is concluded that age inclusion is not only a social necessity, but also a political challenge that requires the systematic integration of the age dimension into the policy of sustainable development, equality and democracy
Since the beginning of the state independence, the issue of creating its own state personnel policy has been identified as one of the priorities of Ukraine’s national security. Key regulatory legal acts of Ukraine state that the state personnel policy should be aimed at creating organizational, legal, managerial, social, psychological, material and technical, financial, economic and other prerequisites for the formation of highly professional civil service personnel. In particular, it was assumed that the specified civil service personnel should effectively, at a high state level, solve official tasks and protect the defining constitutional values - the person themselves, their health, life, honour and dignity. It is stated that today in Ukraine there is no effective state personnel policy that should ensure the rational use of the human capital of the state. Today, personnel issues in Ukraine are not resolved transparently, not according to democratic principles, but according to the principles of political affiliation and proximity to the leading political structure. That is, the process of personnel appointments in Ukraine is carried out as one of the powerful tools for realizing own ambitions of individual political forces, individuals or other private interests. The above indicates the manifestation of various challenges and threats to personnel security and the associated legal security. The above became particularly acute during the period of the transition of the Ukrainian economy to market rails, since the main attention was focused on personnel security in the private sector, not the state. It was during this period that the main attention of the public authorities was paid to ensuring personnel security in enterprises and institutions of the private law sector, leaving the issue of personnel security in state institutions without due attention. And it was during this period, thanks to scientific research in this area, that the definition of “human resource security” of an enterprise was developed, which was considered in the context of the concept of “economic security of an enterprise”: “Human resource security is a component of the economic security of an enterprise, the priority task of which is protection from risks and threats in order to create conditions for the most effective management of personnel, as a determining resource for ensuring a high level of competitiveness of an enterprise.” It is noted that the issue of the functioning of the personnel reserve institution in Ukraine was enshrined in legislation in 1993, which was addressed by Article 28 of the Law of Ukraine “On Civil Service” and the relevant Government Resolution “On Approval of the Regulation on the Formation of a Personnel Reserve for the Civil Service”, as well as the provisions of the Concept on the Rotation of Personnel in Certain Civil Service Positions. However, after the adoption of the new Law of Ukraine “On Civil Service” in 2015 and the relevant Government Resolution “On Approval of the Procedure for Conducting a Competition for Civil Service Positions”, the importance of this institution was minimized, since these acts abolished the institution of a personnel reserve, which led to negative consequences in the public sphere, primarily for the civil service, for the mechanism of effective placement of personnel in it, and for the personnel security of the state as a whole. Attention is drawn to the fact that public authorities, realizing the importance of the functioning of the institution of “personnel reserve” and considering this through the prism of “personnel security” in the context of “legal security”, have made attempts to return the personnel reserve to public administration, which was planned through the introduction of the concept of “candidate reserve”, that is, the introduction of a new article to the current Law “On Civil Service” - Article 251 “Candidate Reserve”, which was supposed to create conditions for more effective attraction of qualified candidates. However, the relevant draft Law of Ukraine has not been finally adopted by either the Parliament or the President of Ukraine to date. It is emphasized that in recent years, the issue of “personnel security” in the sphere of public power has begun to be given due attention by individual researchers, which confirmed that the regulation of personnel security processes should be implemented in the state personnel policy, including in the public administration system. The above-mentioned allowed us to develop an appropriate definition of the term “personnel security in the public sphere” - this is the general direction of the state personnel policy, a set of principles, methods, forms and goals of the organizational mechanism for processing tasks aimed at preserving, strengthening and developing the state personnel potential, at creating a responsible and highly productive united state team, capable of properly analyzing the modern world military-political situation, responding in a timely manner to constantly changing challenges in this area, capable of predicting the further development of the aforementioned situation and developing appropriate proposals to the state leadership regarding the directions, forms and mechanisms of responding to them in the interests of further state development and ensuring national security. It is argued that the formation of an effective personnel reserve remains an important problem for Ukraine, and its solution requires a comprehensive approach that would take into account the specifics of the modern public service and the requirements for it, as well as the demands of society and innovative practices in human resource management. Martial law led to the creation of an operational procedure for appointment to positions, which allows avoiding a complex and lengthy competitive selection process, leaving only basic requirements for applicants, such as citizenship, education and relevant work experience. It is noted that modern challenges require the search for new mechanisms that would provide a reliable basis for the formation of the future personnel potential of the civil service. In particular, it is worth paying attention to international experience, where the personnel reserve system is the basis for ensuring continuity and professionalism of state bodies.
In a time of great change, accelerating globalization and increasing uncertainty, all countries, whether developed or developing, are searching for a new form of governance that is better adapted to the times so as to gain an advantage in economic competitiveness and create substantial and sustainable social growth. As governance theory is becoming the dominant political theory in response to the change, the values backing the discourse and texts consistent with them have helped revise the theory of government in mainstream politics and were agreed upon by global politicians, scholars, officials and entrepreneurs. When we comprehend governance theory based on the practice of public administration in China, it strikes us how theoretically and practically important governance theory is for rebuilding the intellectual system of China’s democratic politics, searching for an institutional platform for good governance, transforming the public policy-making model and getting rid of the practice in public administration in the process of market-oriented development that is inefficient, or even fails in many ways.
This article examines the theoretical foundations of interaction between public administration bodies and civil society institutions in the context of Ukraine’s democratic transformation.The essential characteristics of «public administration» and «civil society institutions» concepts are defined, and their evolutionary features and interrelationships are revealed. Scientific approaches to understanding the mechanisms of interaction between public administration bodies and civil society institutions are analyzed.The research employs a complex of general scientific and special methods, including: analysis of scientific literature to determine conceptual approaches to understanding public administration and civil society; structural-functional analysis to reveal the role and place of each interaction subject; comparative method to juxtapose Ukrainian and foreign practices; and axiological approach to highlight the value foundations of state-public partnership.Attention is drawn to the limitations of the current conceptual framework, particularly the inconsistency between the terms «public» and «state» administration in Ukrainian legislation. The necessity of expanding the subject structure of civil society through overcoming public passivity is substantiated.The need to improve communicative mechanisms of interaction, particularly through the implementation of electronic forms of communication, is noted. The potential of civil society institutions as intermediaries between society and public authorities is revealed.Theoretical approaches to optimizing the interaction between public administration bodies and civil society institutions are proposed, specifically through:– Expansion of forms of public participation;– Implementation of democratic governance principles;– Development of communicative mechanisms;– Improvement of regulatory and legal framework.The article emphasizes the prospects for further scientific research on interaction mechanisms between public authorities and civil society in the context of building a democratic state
The article focuses on the features of the political process in Ukraine. It is argued that the political process is a form of functioning of the political system of society in space and time, and also reflects the real interaction of subjects of public policy. It is demonstrated that the conceptual principles of the theory and methods of studying political processes are sufficiently represented in native and foreign scientific literature. However, certain problems of political process development in Ukraine remain rather uncovered in the academic literature, in particular, the rise of new factors, challenges, or a permanent change in the political situation. The purpose of the article is to analyze the features of the political process in Ukraine, identify its main problems and development prospects. It has been determined that the political process in Ukraine is not linear, any consensus between the key actors of the process regarding its goals or means is a priori impossible, there is a constant vacillation between democratic and authoritarian tendencies, and most political actions and decisions are behind the scenes or shaded. The author specifies that the key factors influencing the political process in Ukraine are the transformation of the institutional system, the role of interest groups and pressure, as well as the value system and behavioral code of the native political elite. It is proved that an institutional trap has formed in Ukraine – an inefficient self-sustaining stable institutional balance based on a combination of formal and informal political institutions in the political process, which none of the main political actors want to change. This is due to the fact that in the institutional trap, political elites can receive rent and remain in power. At the same time, some institutional changes that took place in Ukraine after 2014 contribute to the gradual exit of our country from the institutional trap. As a result, in the short term, it is necessary to focus on strengthening the powers and expanding the influence of representative bodies of state power, because it is through them that citizens become closer both to the process of public administration in general and to legislative work.
The aim of the article is a political analysis of certain theoretical positions of the classics of political thought and modern researchers on the participation of citizens in managing society, the role and place of political participation in the development of democracy in general. The thesis, according to which the quality of democracy is measured only by the level of political activity, the scale of political participation, etc., is not confirmed in practice: in theories of democracy, participation is considered as an effective means of expanding the field of public initiative and creativity, limiting the omnipotence of elites and bureaucracy, activities that contribute to the harmonization of social relations and, in general, human development. Both the total involvement of the entire population in politics and the complete exclusion of the broad masses of people from it are incompatible with democracy. Types and nature of political participation, factors and conditions of its implementation, quantitative and qualitative parameters, etc. have been revealed. It is obvious that the democratic reformation of society is impossible without solving a complex of problems of harmonizing key issues of a political system building, creating economic, socio-cultural, organizational-legal, institutional prerequisites and conditions for citizens’ participation in managing the affairs of the state and society. Contradictory consequences of the elections introduction, various forms of mobilization participation, etc. for successful modernization have been shown. The author comes to the conclusion that the involvement of broad masses in the political process, in state administration, etc. is, on the one hand, a factor in overcoming social apathy and nihilism of the population, education of citizenship and a high political culture, promoting the renewal of elites and the democratization of social relations. On the other hand, exaggerating the importance of citizens’ participation in politics, trying to involve them widely at all levels of the power pyramid without an appropriate institutional structure is impractical, as it can harm public administration and even destabilize the political process.
O presente artigo tem como objetivo a análise do reconhecimento da autonomia universitária e da liberdade de cátedra como instrumentos de realização do Estado Democrático de Direito instituído pela Constituição Federal de 1988. Em um primeiro momento, contextualiza os desdobramentos do direito social fundamental à educação para a conceituação e identificação das principais características da liberdade de ensinar sob os aspectos institucional e docente. Posteriormente, propõe o estudo da autonomia universitária e da liberdade de cátedra sob a perspectiva do Estado Democrático de Direito à luz do julgamento da Ação de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental nº 548 pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal e da Declaração do Parlamento do MERCOSUL. Conclui-se que a garantia da liberdade de ensinar é pressuposto essencial em uma democracia. Utiliza-se pesquisa qualitativa e as técnicas bibliográfica e documental.
Jurisprudence. Philosophy and theory of law, Political institutions and public administration (General)
In general terms, social exclusion is defined as a situation in which individuals cannot fully participate in economic, social, political and cultural life and at the same time the process that maintains this situation. It is possible to consider social exclusion under political, economic and social dimensions. Although social exclusion is a multidimensional concept, it becomes more visible in society with unemployment. In this study, it is aimed to reveal the views and awareness of young people about social exclusion, unemployment, socio-economic status and political participation. In the field study conducted in the 2018-2019 academic year with the students studying in the Political Science and Public Administration and Economics Departments of the Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences of Ardahan University, a questionnaire, one of the quantitative research method data collection techniques, was applied. 110 students participated in the research and the data were analyzed with the SPSS 20.0 package program. As a result of the study, it was revealed that unemployment leads to social exclusion and that students do not trust political institutions in the solution of unemployment. In addition to this result, it has been understood that the income deprivation that students will encounter due to unemployment will cause social exclusion and at the same time, unemployment anxiety will have psychological and socio-economic consequences. As a solution to the social exclusion caused by unemployment and the decrease in trust in political institutions, the concept of social inclusion and the creation of social policy measures that increase welfare have been proposed.
Carolina da Silveira Bueno, José Maria Ferreira Jardim da Silveira, Roney Fraga Souza
et al.
This article analyzes the indicators of knowledge generation in sugarcane biomass. The impact of the FAPESP research program on bioenergy (BIOEN) is also analyzed, with a focus on the division of biomass and its subareas. Using detailed information from scientific articles in the subareas of Enzymatic hydrolysis, molecular markers, delignification, genotypes, enzymatic conversion, gene expression, nitrogen and photosynthesis, an evaluation of the international insertion of research and collaboration networks of Brazilian researchers is carried out. The methodology, which was based on the works of Verspagen (2007) and Dal Poz (2006), consists of the formation of clusters of publications indexed on the ISI Web of Science database. The selection of publications is guided by search queries based on keywords related to the subareas of biomass division. The software programs VantagePoint and Pajek are used to support the analysis of the information. The principle objective of the study is to identify the global incorporation of efforts to generate knowledge and technological progress in sugarcane biomass carried out by BIOEN. It was possible to identify a number of factors that influence scientific collaboration in the area of biomass, such as geographic distance and the dynamics of scientific collaboration between countries. An analysis of the biomass division of BIOEN, from a global perspective, showed little cooperation between Latin American countries. The results illustrate that Brazil generates the greatest amount of scientific knowledge regarding sugarcane biomass, however, when the subareas are analyzed separately, scientific publications from the US and China are also predominant.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
Åge Johnsen, K. Reichborn-Kjennerud, Thomas Carrington
et al.
This article is part of the project entitled ‘The influence of performance audit on public administration and politics: A comparative study of the Nordic Supreme Audit Institutions’. The project is financed by a research grant from the Joint Committee for Nordic Research Councils in the Humanities and Social Sciences (NOS-HS), project number 219574. NOS-HS (Nordisk samarbeidsnemnd for humanistisk og samfunnsvitenskapelig forskning) 219574
The purpose of this paper is to provide a conceptual framework for the consideration of governance structures and processes related to the development of a new northern corridor. The framework divides corridor development into four stages: policy development; corridor routing; project implementation; and ongoing operations management. Governance options are examined for each of these stages, with an analysis of advantages and disadvantages. In doing so, the paper draws on examples of other major transportation infrastructure projects in Canada and abroad. Finally, the paper provides an assessment of a practical way forward and outlines the sequence of steps governments and other stakeholders could pursue towards a successful outcome.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
AbstractIn managing complex policy problems in the federal system, state and local governments are organized into different arrangements for translating policy goals into policy outcomes. Air quality management is used as a test case to understand these variations and their impact on policy outcomes. With data from Clean Air Act implementation plans and a survey of state and local air quality managers, five separate institutional designs are identified: (1) central agencies; (2) top‐down; (3) donor–recipient; (4) regional agencies; and (5) emergent governance. Findings indicate that some arrangements (donor–recipient and emergent governance) result in notably better air quality than others (central agencies, top‐down). Specifically, when designed to allow bargaining between state and local officials, intergovernmental management is still the most effective approach to complex policy problems; but, in absence of this, conventional federalism arrangements are less effective than public agencies self‐organizing around shared policy goals.
Determining how to adapt to freshwater scarcity and variability has become an important question for institutional analysis and development. This paper addresses the assignment challenge in drought adaptation, namely the challenge of assigning and coordinating governance responsibilities across nested levels of social organisation. The subsidiarity principle suggests that adaptation decisions and associated governance responsibilities should occur at the lowest level at which they can be performed competently. Droughts and related slow-onset ‘shocks’ throw into question which level is lowest, and how this varies with the duration, severity and extent of the event. This paper explores the potential for the subsidiarity principle to guide the assignment and assessment of governance responsibilities associated with drought adaptation. It reviews literature at the intersection of common pool resource studies and new institutional economics to elaborate four diagnostic questions: (1) what are the opportunities and limits of decentralised (independent) drought adaptation?; (2) how are social dilemmas and spillovers associated with drought adaptation managed?; (3) when do higher level institutions complement versus crowd out decentralized adaptation?; and (4) how does adaptation by individuals and groups affect adaptive efficiency? An illustrative comparison of drought adaptation in the US portions of the Colorado and Rio Grande Rivers of North America demonstrates: (i) the potential and limits of decentralised adaptation through urban water conservation and irrigation efficiency (ii) the importance of both formal and informal coordination institutions (e.g. river basin organisations) to address cross-border externalities, including conflicts and economies of scale, and (iii) the pivotal role of groundwater management for adaptive efficiency, requiring a balance between local, short-term dependence on groundwater for drought adaptation with trans-boundary, long-term outcomes caused by unsustainable extractions.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
This paper will examine the strategies to empower the Kampung Adat community through the development of institutional capacity in The Regency of Siak. The Regency of Siak is one of the districts that have established Desa Adat territory. Based on the Siak District Regulation No.02/2015 specifies eight Kampung Adat located in the district of Siak. Regulation for Kampung Adat setting in Siak district has gone through a long process started from; First, the opportunities of formation the Kampung Adat after the issuance of Law No. 6 2014 about the village. Secondly, the formation of team to determine and the establishment of Kampung Adat. Third are socializing, inventarization, identification and assessment as well as recommendations from the Regent. Fourth is the release of regulation of Kampung Adat in Siak district, Fifth is getting the Registration Number from the Provinces and Sixth is getting Kampung Adat Registration Code from Ministry of Internal Affair. But there is a hiatus periode on the process of determination of Kampung Adat in Siak district due to several things, such as yet issuance of Kampung Adat Code from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the lack of regulation related provincial level Structuring the Kampung Adat, and the lack decree as technical guidelines for the process of reviving traditional village. Siak district government through BPMPD address this hiatus conditions with suggestion to the administration of the Kampung Adat and Adat leaders in particular to immediately arranged a draft form of village institutions or Adat regulations until provincial regulations and codes of Kampung Adat officialy released. This strategy is to accelerate the progress of forming the institution of Kampung Adat and to avoid longer hiatus on establishment.
Strategy of community empowerment through the development of institutional capacity both government institutions, community organizations and traditional institutions have been prepared by the Government of Siak, it can be seen from the activities that are directed to the strengthening of the institutional capacity of government Kampung such as: capacity building for the selected Penghulu, The chairman LPMK and Chairman BAPEKAM for periode 2015- 2021, Bimtek government, kasi PMD districts and porters for all Siak Region, as well as coaching the village headman, the head of customary, traditional institutions chairman and chief BAPEKAM for all Siak Region. But then again BPMPD is not yet specifically arrange the activities to directly relate to the Kampung Adat because of the code for Kampung Adat is not yet obtained. At the level of Village Institution has also drawn up a planning document for development and have incorporated programs related to community development and empowerment, but still using the previous nomenclature which is Village.
Political science (General), Political institutions and public administration (General)
Emil Sandström, Ann-Kristin Ekman, Karl-Johan Lindholm
This paper explores how commons reproduce over time and introduces the concept of commoning to discuss rural continuities and change. The point of departure is that commons are essential for local community development in that they have an important role for mediating social change and for local identity production. Through an ethnographic and historical study of a number of commons systems from the village of Ängersjö in the Midwest of Sweden, the paper argues for a more historically and socially grounded understanding of how commons evolve. The paper examines Ängersjö’s commons within two broad historical time frames – the pre-industrial (4th to 20th century) and the post-industrial time periods (20th century to the present) – in order to understand commons, not just as arenas for resource extraction and resource struggles, but also as important contexts for identity formation, local mobilisation and for shaping rural change. The paper reveals how the commons have co-evolved with changes in society at large and how the meanings and functions of the commons have changed throughout history – from being important economic resources – to cultural and symbolic resources that have created new avenues for collective action.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
Luciano Gomes Gonçalves, Bruno Funchal, João Eudes Bezerra Filho
Resumo Este artigo tem como objetivo avaliar se os ciclos políticos em conjunto com viés ideológico impactam significativamente as decisões de alocação de recursos públicos em investimentos de infraestrutura nos estados brasileiros. Para atingir tal objetivo, utilizamos informações em nível estadual de 2003 a 2014 para capturar três ciclos eleitorais. Como abordagem metodológica utilizamos regressão em painel com efeitos fixos, com o objetivo de detectar características estaduais não observáveis e invariantes no tempo. Os resultados encontrados mostram a existência de influência do ciclo eleitoral se considerarmos as diferenças ideológicas interagindo com os ciclos eleitorais. Os resultados apontam que partidos de esquerda e de centro tendem a investir mais em infraestrutura em períodos pré-eleitorais se comparados com partidos de direita. Esse resultado contribui para a literatura evidenciando que ciclos podem ser mais influenciados dependendo do partido que está governando. Foi identificado adicionalmente um resultado contraintuitivo relativo ao impacto negativo nos gastos em infraestrutura quando o governador é do mesmo partido do presidente. Para essa variável, esperava-se um impacto positivo.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
Martinico Giuseppe, Albert Richard, Baraggia Antonia
et al.
Canada is and will for the foreseeable future be a peaceful and prosperous liberal democracy whose Constitution Act, 1867, now 150 years old as of 2017, has become a model for the modern world. The Constitution of Canada has exerted considerable influence on other countries, particularly since the coming into force of its Constitution Act, 1982, which included the celebrated Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Just as Canada drew from foreign and international experiences in drafting its Charter, the world has learned a great deal from Canada, not only as to rights protections but also as to the separation of powers, the judicial function, and the structure of government.
Political institutions and public administration (General)