What does it mean to be part of a music industry that, for centuries, has ignored your perspective, undermined your talent and confidence, objectified your body, and systematically erased composers like you from the canon? An acclaimed Australian composer here shares aspects of her current research project on contemporary opera, funded through the Australian Research Council. Incorporating research undertaken with leading practitioners of contemporary opera and data from the author's recent report, Women and Minority Genders in Music (Wilcox and Shannon 2023), this paper interweaves first-source interview data, auto-ethnographic reflection, qualitative and quantitative analysis, and a selective overview of contemporary global practice to examine the structural inequity at opera’s core, and new disruptive practice that challenges the status quo. The author ties together theoretical discourse on intersectional feminism (Lorde 1984), feminist listening (Lehmann and Palme 2022), and acoustic ecology (Westerkamp 2002) to outline a compositional approach that engages experimentally with sound through guided improvisations on music and text, extended techniques, explorations of embodiment, "deep listening" (Oliveros 2005), and consultative conceptual development that respects and welcomes difference. Extending this to a broader context, she suggests frameworks for more inclusive practice and audience engagement in opera.
By 2030, the share of the positive exports and imports balance of creative industries in the Russian economy is expected to increase to 6.0% in accordance with the Concept of the Development of Creative Industries and mechanisms for their state support in large and major urban agglomerations in the Russian Federation for the period up to 2030. Creative industries such as design, music, cinema, architecture and others have a huge potential for development and prosperity. Currently, there are several key trends that are shaping the future of the creative industries and determining their prospects. In particular, these are the growth of digital technologies, increased demand for creative services, cheaper and simpler creation processes, increased cross-cultural interactions, sustainability and social responsibility. The purpose of this study is to identify and evaluate the trends in the development of the Russian creative sector and the specifics of its development in the Sverdlovsk region. The results of the study showed that the creative sector of the Russian economy for the period from 2019-2023 has a steady growth trend in terms of sales and an increase in its share in the country's GDP. The TOP 10 creative industries by revenue include: software, fashion, advertising and PR, architecture, gastronomy of media and mass media, cinema, jewelry and book business, performing arts. The Sverdlovsk Region is not a leader in the development of this sector of the economy among the subjects of the Russian Federation. In 2024, the region rose to 5th place in the ranking of Russian regions in terms of RRIC. The creative economy of the region is growing by 16.0% annually, which is faster than the national average.
O artigo explora a relação entre poder e vulnerabilidade no contexto do burlesco, um domínio artístico multifacetado que burla normas e convenções. O objetivo deste estudo reside em desvelar as complexas interações entre o corpo nu da mulher e as performances burlescas, destacando como essa interação suscita questões profundas sobre o binômio autonomia feminina e amarras patriarcais. O artigo se situa no âmbito das artes cênicas, escrito por um grupo de autoras que tem como metodologia aspectos e ferramentas de estudos etnográficos. O objetivo é o de analisar como as artistas burlescas navegam nesse cenário cheio de paradoxos e desafios. Através dessa investigação emergem conclusões que revelam o burlesco como um espaço de resistência e de ressignificação de paradigmas, onde o poder é dinâmico.
The focus of this research is how to rank the West Sumatra creative economy sub-sector using creative economy indicators according to law No. 24 of 2019, Added Value, Intellectual Property, Cultural Heritage and Science and Technology. The research was conducted in six sub-sectors with the largest proportion of creative entrepreneurs in 2022. This study used the promethee ranking method, and GAIA analysis. The results of the study show that the competitiveness of the West Sumatra creative economy sub-sector is determined by cultural heritage and use of technology as well as the role of the workforce and developing the creative economy. There are three sub-sectors that have advantages based on creative economic indicators in West Sumatra, namely the Fashion, Performing Arts and Design sub-sectors. The factors causing its superiority are mainly in terms of cultural inheritance and the application of technology in the products created. The design policy for increasing the competitiveness of the West Sumatra creative economy sub-sector can be carried out most urgently (necessary conditions), increasing awareness of creative business actors registering intellectual property rights for creative products.
The Creative City Unlike the terms ‘creative industries’, which nobody ever quite understood, and ‘creative class’, about which actual ‘creatives’ were always ambiguous, the ‘creative city’ has been an incredibly successful global policy meme, to which cities across the world continue to aspire. From the early 1990s, faced with de-industrialisation, rising unemployment, and the increased global mobility of capital, professionals, and consumer-tourists, the ‘creative city’ became an essential part of the new urban imaginary for politicians, planners, local growth coalitions, and advocates and practitioners in art and culture. In the later 1980s and early 1990s, much of this policy and practice work had progressive intent; as decaying parts of the city acquired new artistic and cultural uses, and neo-bohemian lifestyles and pop-cultural aspirations seemed to provide the grounds for future-oriented urban identities. Whilst investment in iconic cultural buildings and refurbished heritage sites repositioned cities as destinations for global tourism and finance (Peck et al.), new forms of creative production would provide employment and catalyse the wider urban economy. The creative city was to be a benign economy of innovative small businesses, working in projects and acting in symbiosis with the transformed urban landscape of the city (Pratt; Scott). If at first such a “creativity fix” (Peck, Creativity) was permeable to new actors and radical visions, it rapidly became a codified “cookie cutter” approach (Oakley), primarily concerned with revalorising decaying urban built stock as ‘vibrant’ spaces for upmarket urban consumption. This has stretched from visual arts to popular music (Bennett; O’Connor Music). The “creative imaginary” of entrepreneurial subjects—working in flat networks clustered around zones or milieux of intensified creativity (O’Connor and Shaw; O’Connor and Gu)—was quickly localised in spaces of real estate-led consumption, with production corralled into the ‘managed workspace’ whose image value—a shiny ‘creative hub’—was usually worth far more than any actual production taking place inside of it (O’Connor, Art). From the turn of the millennium, this global “fast policy” flowed through elite circuits of ‘policy transfer’ (Peck, Scale): unevenly distributed nodes assembling politicians, public administrators, planners, ‘cool’ developers, cultural consultants, branded arts institutions, and creative ‘thought-leaders’ (De Beukelaer and O’Connor). Global agencies such as UNESCO, through its Creative Cities Network, or consultancies such as Charles Landry and BOP, have attempted to frame this in a benign narrative of ‘hands across the ocean’ cultural globalisation. But we now know from two decades of creative economy proselytising that culture is a “driver and enabler” of development, not a normative standard against which it might be judged. And however inclusive ‘culture’ is made to sound, the creative city agenda remains firmly in the hands of local elites attempting to harness global flows of finance, media images, tourists, and ‘creatives’ for local development opportunities (Novy and Colomb; Courage and McKeown). By 2008 the creative city was already in trouble, as an increasingly brutal wave of gentrification came to be seen as the necessary corollary of the gleaming images of creative clusters, hipster hangouts, and iconic arts infrastructure. Predicated on a “spatial fix” (Harvey) for the decaying landscapes of the industrial city, the creative city was already producing its own ruins, as culture-led investment projects failed (Brodie). Since 2008, as the paper-thin walls between art, creativity, and real estate capital dissolved, it became increasingly clear that, though the script remained, the utopian moment was dead and buried. For many critics, both inside the cultural sector and out, it was time to roughly bundle it into the catch-all of neoliberalism and ‘gentrification’ and throw it overboard. Creative City RIP. The Ordinary City This critical take was performed early on by geographers such as Ash Amin and others (Amin and Graham; Amin, Massey, and Thrift), who suggested we re-centre the ordinary city—the one in which most people live—rather than fetishise some high-growth, hi-tech, gleaming Creative City. It was reiterated more recently by the Foundational Economy Collective, who argue that it is the everyday infrastructures and services of our towns and cities—and their mundane local economies of nail bars, cafes, and auto-repair shops—that should form the basis of our urban economic thinking (FEC). Jamie Peck, an early critic of the Creative City, had already cast doubt on the real economic weight of ‘creative industries’ and saw the whole thing as cover for the ‘entrepreneurial (read: neoliberal) city’, and a new kind of culturally-inflected growth coalition (Peck and Ward; Peck, Struggling). Similar dissent could be found amongst those writing within the cultural field. For every new city on the global creative smorgasbord, there were local artists and community activists who could show you a whole other side, excluded from the glass boxes and white cubes, from the funding and the hyped-up narratives lavished on the creative city. This mostly targeted the big iconic developments, led by global brands sucking the funding and the imagination from the surrounding city—what we might call ‘the Bilbao effect’. This cynicism toward the Creative City overlapped with a rejection of a ‘high art’ establishment and its elitist forms of culture. The ‘ordinary city’ here did not set the mundane against art and culture but reframed these as part of an everyday creativity. This could mean small-scale, neighbourhood-embedded art and culture, proposed by those in favour of ‘community arts’ and indeed those seeking localised popular culture such as music scenes. But it could also mean a valorisation of creativity writ large; a generalised urban creativity in which imagination and experimentation, but also subversion and contestation permeate the everyday. Following the Global Financial Crisis (GFC), critiques of the creative city concept became increasingly common. Oli Mould’s 2015 book Urban Subversion and the Creative City captures much of this, providing a distinction between the capitalised Creative City and the lower-case creative city. Mould distinguishes between the ‘Creative City’ ideology as extractive, and the ‘creative city’ as enabling citizenship. For Mould, the Creative City is “the antithesis of urban creativity” (Urban 4), and “shorthand for the capitalistic, paradigmatic (bordering on dogmatic) and meta-narrative view of how creativity can be used to economically stimulate and develop the city” (5). It is top-down creative planning at its worst. Against this, Mould evokes the lower-case concept of creative city, seeing some hope for it as a descriptor of urban spaces where “being creative is the very act of citizenship” (5). The Creative City imposed itself as a requirement of urban economic competitiveness (successful or not) and needs to be implacably opposed. Alternatively, the creative city persists in various forms of ‘urban subversion’, though whether the actual term—like creativity itself (Mould, Against)—can be freed from an association with its capitalised nemesis is, for Mould, still moot. Whilst Mould’s distinction allows us to evoke an urban creativity distinct from the commodified, extractive forms of the Creative City—one rooted in the ordinary, everyday creative practices of the city still open to themes of subversion and contestation centring cultural labour over cultural infrastructure—we also have some reservations. The C/creative couplet recalls de Certeau’s opposition of strategy and tactics, skyscraper and street, and has some of its problems. Baldly, this gives control of the city over to the powerful and condemns the rest of us to a game of endless evasion and subversion. For whilst the contemporary Creative City agenda may be largely as Mould describes it, its provenance is more complex than the extractive agenda which currently animates it. Understanding this provenance might give us some pointers beyond this binary impasse. Roots of the Creative City Although the Creative City eventually became integrated into the neoliberal urban script, the policy imaginary that birthed it emerged from the post-1960s rise of urban social movements, anti-development coalitions, new cultural practices (especially around popular music), artist co-ops, squats, and alternative cultures. Across the 1970s and 1980s one might say the C/creative City was an aspect of growing claims for cultural citizenship, the more explicit acknowledgement of a cultural dimension within T.H. Marshall’s ‘social citizenship’ (Marshall). The Greater London Council (GLC) of 1979-86 is exemplary here (Bianchini; Hatherley), but this was only the most visible case in which de-industrialising cities acquired aspirations to a different kind of city living. The utopian-romantic vision of a new kind of urban culture in which the transformative powers of art would abandon the ethereal world of the museum-gallery and take carnal form in the grotesque ruins of an industrial city was most literal in Wim Wenders’s 1987 film Wings of Desire. It was there in Berlin and New York as it was in Melbourne and Manchester, and a hundred other such cities (Whitney). As an industrial urban civilisation no longer seemed viable in the Global North, ‘culture’ became a central stake in anticipating what might come next. What new forms of working and living might be possible? What new identities, pleasures, desires might it accommodate? A new generation, immersed in what Mark Fisher called ‘popular modernism’ (Fisher), sought new forms of artistic expression within popular culture, making demands on the formal cultural system, on the infrastructure of the city, and on how the city could be re-imagined. In short, the C/
Aleksandar Vukomanović, Nemanja Deretić, Milos Kabiljo
et al.
Students can retrieve information from the website or use the services of an existing information system (provided the information system is on the internet). However, we know from experience that searching a website is time-consuming or even inaccurate, and the functionality of the information system is limited. Chatbot makes it more natural, efficient and faster. Chatbot can understand natural language, i.e. written text and voice messages. It gives precise answers and performs all actions intended by the website and / or the information system. But the website and the information system do not have the richness of language that the chatbot has. You have to log in to the information system and know how to use it, and each new version requires new learning. If you know how Viber or FB Messenger work, you probably know how to use chatbot. The services provided by chatbot are visible on communication platforms used by a large number of users, and thus the quality of these services is better. Due to the use of chats, the human resources of the educational institution are redirected/retrained to more responsible and creative jobs because the workload has been relieved. The paper presents a chatbot called ADA, developed at the Belgrade Business and Arts Academy of Applied Studies (BAPUSS), and shows basic usage statistics. It also points out the importance of chatbots as a communication channel in educational institutions.
Бұл мақалада музей коммуникацияларын жылжыту мен
жарнамалаудағы жаңа digital-marketing құралдарының ролі
жан-жақты қарастырып, талдау жасалған. Шетелдік музей
мамандарының осы саладағы маркетингі бойынша
көзқарастары қарастырылып, жаңа диджитал маркетинг
технологияларының музей коммуникацияларын дамытуда
және мақсатты аудитория жинаудың негізгі бағытына талдау
жасалған. Осы бағыттардың негізі ретінде іс-шаралар
маркетингін қарастырып, толығымен мәні ашылып жазылған.
Сонымен қатар медианы пайдалануға байланысты музей мен
келушінің өзара әрекеттесуінің 5 кезеңін анықтап, оларды
қалай қолдану керектігі туралы ақпарат жазылған. Соңында
әлемдегі ең ірі музейлердің сандық және қашықтық
технологияларды қолданудағы негізгі үрдістеріне талдау
жасалынған.
The performing arts. Show business, Dramatic representation. The theater
English Abstract: As people’s interest in Korean popular culture is expanding around the world, the trend of spreading Korean Wave contents is changing. After the period when dramas and movies led the popularity of the Korean Wave, interest and consumption in other genres of Hallyu content such as webtoons and animations are also increasing. In addition, Korean popular culture from Northeast Asia such as China, Japan, and Taiwan in the past to North America, South America, Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. In particular, ASEAN regions, including Vietnam, Indonesia, and the Philippines are also gaining spotlight as a forward base for the Korean Wave. In addition to this, the spread of the Korean Wave is evolving from the conventional method of exporting completed cultural products to a method of simultaneously disseminating the world through digital platforms. In addition to the classic method of determining the export price per episode of a drama or movie, a new entry pattern is emerging. For example, the majority of Korean drama is sold on Netflix, and Netflix has tried the so-called “binge-watching†method, which allows consumers to watch a comfortable amount at a convenient time by providing many Korean dramas. In the era of COVID-19, while each country is struggling to produce and distribute new cultural contents, Korean Wave content is seeing a significant reflection effect by quickly making full use of overseas expansion strategies suitable for the era of digital platforms. As such, the Korean Wave is facing a new phase in many ways. Therefore, in the face of the rapidly changing digital platform era, this study aims to raise the awareness on the necessity of preparing a policy for the continuous expansion of Korean Wave contents centered on the ASEAN region. The ASEAN market is a large-scale content market showing rapid growth as well as an economically and politically important diplomatic target area for Korea. In order to continue and expand the consumption of Hallyu content in this region, it is necessary to review the competitiveness of Korean Wave content based on an understanding of local contents consumption status and institutional conditions. Accordingly, this study raises the necessity of preparing new policies for the Korean cultural industry in response to the demands of the times in line with the potential of the ASEAN cultural content market. In addition, with the rise of Korean Wave 3.0, this study aims to prepare policy support measures for stabilizing the cultural industry and increasing the expansion of the content field into overseas markets. The subjects of this study are as follows. First, spatially, among ASEAN member countries, six countries, Vietnam, Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore, were selected as target countries for analysis. Brunei, Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos were excluded because of the limitations of the Korean Wave consumption survey and the fact that the size of Korean Wave exchanges and their own cultural industries were relatively small compared to the selected countries. Second, with regard to the genre of cultural content, the focus was on six areas: K-Pop, broadcasting (drama and entertainment), film, animation, webtoon, and gaming. Third, in the analysis of each country's content genre, we paid attention to three major aspects, such as planning, licensing, and distribution. Meanwhile, the study utilizes various approaches such as analyzing the audience aspect in the light of the new media environment and conducting expert interviews with those who have experience in the Southeast Asian market, unlike previous studies that showed a tendency to focus on local market status surveys related to the advancement of Korean Wave content to the Southeast Asian market. In particular, the digital ethnography technique was applied to analyze the cases of Indonesia and Singapore. Based on this research approach, researchers tried to derive policy directions and support tasks that can continue reciprocal exchange along with continuous consumption of Hallyu content. The results of analyzing the regional characteristics of six countries in the ASEAN region and the current status of Korean Wave content consumption are as follows. First, Vietnam's cultural content industry is expected to continue to grow based on its demographic structure with a large proportion of young people, open foreign policies, and ICT policies including e-commerce and 5G commercialization. Control factors such as content regulation in online spaces such as the Cyber Security Act, regulations such as “conditional investment field†in foreign investment exist, but the potential of the cultural industry also exists as can be seen in cultural industry policies such as “2020-2030 Vietnam Cultural Industry Promotion Strategy†and broadcasting policies related to digital transformation, among others. It can be seen as an active Korean Wave consumer destination, with co-productions and IP exports continuing in the field of broadcasting and entertainment, co-production of remakes and theater advances in movies, and localization such as local audition programs and discovering local artists in music. In the Philippines, the proportion of young people and children who are active in Internet use in the total population is large, and the government is actively pursuing digital transformation, and consumption potential is increasing as the economy continues to grow. Although the Foreign Investment Act and the domestic industrial protection policy are being implemented, the digital transformation policy is rapidly being implemented in the broadcasting sector. Hallyu conte t is are recognized in the broadcasting area, leading to attempts of localization through remakes or production of Filipino broadcasting programs using Korean materials, and music being a representative part of Korean Wave contents, idol groups with Filipino members are being nurtured. In the film field, it is a country where joint film production is attempted. Thailand has a high level of awareness and consumption of Hallyu cultural content. The Korean Wave was formed amid favorable conditions, including Korea emerging as Thailand's major economic cooperation country and growing interest in the Korean language in Thailand. The demand for reproduction of Korean Wave content based on the Thai context is high, and the Korean Wave is consumed in various fields such as dramas, movies, and music. In particular, as Thailand is a representative Korean Wave consumer among Southeast Asian countries, a localization strategy that actively reflects Thailand's peculiarities is required. Compared to other Southeast Asian countries, Malaysia has a higher income level and diversification of consumption trends, which has a high potential for the growth of Korean Wave cultural contents. However, it is necessary to closely examine its Islamic culture and different cultural lifestyles and regulations. Dramas, movies, music, webtoons, and games all show interest in the Korean Wave, and in the case of K-pop, they are actively consuming Korean Wave content by creating their own cultural community. Accordingly, there is a need for a plan to increase the business cooperation model by enhancing the cooperative relationship between the two governments. Indonesia has recently been regarded as the country with the most attention among the Southeast Asian markets. Indonesia is a large population country and has the peculiarity that most of its cultural contents are produced in local languages, but the investment of Korean companies is active and its potential as a content market is highly appreciated. However, despite the democratic system, there were restrictions on freedom of expression such as online defamation and blasphemy, and as the world's No. 1 Muslim population, conservative society caused controversy over the Korean Wave. In particular, Korean dramas are popular with all classes, and Korean-style web dramas are being produced locally. The music sector is also very popular with the Korean Wave, as it actively appoints K-pop stars for local corporate marketing. In the case of movies, CGV is advancing into the theater industry, and webtoons have gone beyond the popularity of domestic webtoons, and LINE webtoons are applying a system to discover local authors. What is distinctive is that “influencers†are remarkable, and they are emerging as the leading roles in civilian diplomacy in recent years. Singapore is a multicultural society with a multilingual, multi-religious, and multi-ethnic population in the background, and has developed mobile and internet infrastructure. It is a country with high literacy and purchasing power for overseas cultural contents including Korean Wave content by revitalizing cultural consumption. The government's active support policy is in progress to increase its own content production capability and infrastructure, but there is also the ambiguity of media content regulation and censorship. In particular, it is one of the countries that respond quickly to Korean Wave content as competition intensifies on the OTT(over-the-top) platform. Therefore, it also plays a role as a “test bed†for global competitiveness of Korean Wave contents. As it has an English-based global fan culture and serves as a base for performing arts in ASEAN, it is also necessary to pay attention to the consumption trend of K-pop music. As a result of analyzing the current status of the Korean Wave contents market in Southeast Asia and the cultural industry policies and social cultures of major countries, the infrastructure such as platforms and movie theaters of Korean contents companies have been established, but it is linked to the limited aspects of foreign investment. Therefore, rather than co-investment or collaboration, IP-oriented exchanges includingformat exports have been mainly formed in recent years. Also, although the
A few years after the arrival of sound cinema in Italy, the technology of dubbing emerged as an optimal solution to transfer films across national borders. This seemingly simple artifice had enormous cultural and political ramifications transnationally. For example, in the early 1930s, dubbing became the only way to screen foreign films in Italy, and the fascist government transformed the technology into a filter to bolster national identity and limit internal and external "threats" such as local dialects, foreign words, and music. Thus, under Mussolini’s regime, a film’s soundtrack (including music, sounds, and noises) underwent significant manipulation once it crossed the Italian border. This article examines Italian dubbing in the 1930s through the lenses of national cinema and local production. Additionally, it aims to explore early soundtrack manipulations before the establishment of dubbing as a practice, as well as the nationalist roots of dubbing itself. Finally, by analysing archival documents, this study posits that dubbing was not merely a matter of mechanical translation, but also a locus of sound experimentation in a time of stagnation for Italian cinema. Investigating dubbing, a phenomenon so profoundly ingrained in Italian society, opens up new interpretations of Italian culture, political history, and film production from the 1930s throughout the twentieth century.
This article covers the artistic achievements of Aleksandra Śląska (1925–1989), a Polish theatre and film actress remembered mainly for her portrayals of German women and aristocrats.The author focuses on the emergence of this typecasting of Śląska and counters it with a discussion of her less known professional image. The article offers an analysis of a wide array of Śląska’s diverse roles, from a part in Leon Kruczkowski’s drama Niemcy (Germans), through the title role in Henry de Montherlant’s La Reine morte and Blanche in A Streetcar Named Desire, to successful appearances in comedies, such as Elwira in Aleksander Fredro’s Mąż i żona (Man and Wife). The author shows that Śląska’s generation shaped Polish culture under the People’s Republic and contributed to the development of new media. Śląska co-created the Polish school of radio play, Polish school of dubbing, and Television Theatre. The article juxtaposes the myth of a cold, unapproachable actress with the image of a multi-talented interpreter exploring the complexity of human nature, a woman of the theatre active in a number of different areas.
Dramatic representation. The theater, The performing arts. Show business
Tendo como objeto de estudo a Dança-Coral e os Coros de Movimento labanianos, o artigo parte da seguinte pergunta: as práticas de coralidade desenvolvidas por Rudolf Laban, sobretudo durante a década de 1930 na Alemanha, podem ser lidas como uma dança de massas? Nesse sentido, o estudo procura, em um primeiro momento, desenvolver o conceito de massa e traçar um panorama histórico do desenvolvimento da Dança-Coral e dos Coros de Movimento em seu auge no século passado. É abordado ainda o contraponto da dança de massas a uma dança de multidão, apoiada no conceito homônimo desenvolvido pelos filósofos Antonio Negri e Michael Hardt.
Palavras-chaves
Dança-Coral. Massa. Multidão. Rudolf Laban.
Andrzej Pronaszko’s text in the current issue of Pamiętnik Teatralny is a previously unpublished account of the artist participation in the defence of Lvov in 1918. It is a part of the memoirs written by the artist in the 1950s, the manuscript of which is being kept in the collection of the Theatre Museum in Warsaw. Among other things, Pronaszko recalls how he fought for the Citadel and Main Post Office, how he helped to stop a military’s drinking bout in a villa in Sykstuska Street, and how, in recognition of his merits, he was sent to the critical Bem Sector with the mission to establish order and discipline among the soldiers. He also claims that he took command of the left wing and managed to regain possession of the Wolność (Freedom) Street. Andrzej Pronaszko’s notes are a valuable source for his biography and an addition to historical studies and literature devoted to the Defence of Lvov. They require, however, critical reading and careful comparison with other historical sources.
Dramatic representation. The theater, The performing arts. Show business
Adris Díaz Fernández, Rodrigo Daniel Ledesma Gómez
<p>El artículo hace referencia a las bondades de la técnica del trencadís y el esfuerzo del colectivo Caminando en Mi Barrio por enaltecer el barrio El Nejayote en el centro de Monterrey, México. Puntualmente, se analiza el proceso de intervención comprendido entre el 2014-2017, además se indaga su incidencia y consecuencias a partir de entrevistas en profundidad y grupos de enfoque con vecinos, artistas y voluntarios. El estudio pone una vez más en evidencia que las prácticas de arte en comunidad y las prácticas colaborativas contribuyen a lograr la cohesión en las comunidades, mejoran el entorno público, fortalecen la identidad, generan espacios participativos y dan empoderamiento para beneficio tanto de los vecinos como de los transeúntes. Un museo al aire libre con 15 “tapetes de trencadís” con esquemas de artistas y diseñadores es el producto del esfuerzo comunitario, cuyo diseño se ha convertido en el mediador de un cambio tan necesario para el espacio público, dejando a un lado el olvido y el abandono de la zona, donde el Nejayote es hoy un barrio de color.</p>
Sabrina M Hegner, Ardion D. Beldad, Nienke Klein Langenhorst
Purpose – Financial constraints recently confronting performing arts organizations propel them to employ various marketing tactics to not only win new visitors but also to maintain its current clientele. Fostering a long-term relationship with clients is regarded a vital solution to a survival-related predicament these organizations face. Hence, the purpose of this paper is to investigate the impact of four marketing tactics – personalization, two-way communication, preferential treatment, and rewarding – on the dimensions of customer relationship, namely, satisfaction, trust, and commitment. Design/methodology/approach – Data to test the various research hypotheses were collected through a survey with 252 clients of a performing arts venue in a Dutch city. Structural equation modeling was used to test the hypotheses. Findings – Results reveal that extension of rewards to and maintaining a two-way communication with clients of a performing arts venue positively influence their satisfaction with, trust in, and commitment to the performing arts venue. Personalization of services impacts commitment only. However, the effect of preferential treatment on the three relationship dimensions is not statistically significant. Additionally, analysis shows that satisfied customers are more likely to trust the performing arts venue, although clients’ satisfaction with and trust in the performing arts venue do not influence their commitment to the venue. Originality/value – Research into the ways to strengthen customer relationships in the performing arts is still scarce. The current research aims at investigating the impact of several marketing tactics on customer relationship measured in terms of satisfaction, trust, and commitment and shows how performing arts venues can strengthen their bonds with customers.
O presente trabalho estabelece noções de convergência e divergência com relação à imagem construída pelos artistas de si próprios e do teatro de Porto Alegre. As fontes principais da pesquisa são os relatos orais dos diretores de teatro Adriane Mottola e Élcio Rossini sobre suas trajetórias artísticas, a partir dos conceitos de imagem e consciência, de Jean-Paul Sartre, e de autoimagem, de Richard Cándida Smith. Busca-se reconhecer os diferentes pontos de vista levantados por esses artistas e analisar as imagens mentais recorrentes sobre o teatro portoalegrense, com base no uso da História Oral como procedimento e produção de conhecimento, sem a pretensão de criar uma imagem unívoca e totalizante do teatro na cidade.
In this essay I place choreographer Natalie Heller in dialogue with Merleau-Ponty on issues of motor-perception, expression and bodily faith. I analyze her new work First Impressions to demonstrate how she responds to a similar impulse that drove Merleau-Ponty’s phenomenology, particularly in his last writing, The Visible and the Invisible. Both Heller and Merleau-Ponty seek to go beyond the representational understanding of motion and perception in order to articulate and experiment with a type of expression, which is beyond the distinctions between motion and motionlessness, activity and passivity, visibility and invisibility. While Merleau-Ponty writes about this form of expression, Heller’s performers show that beyond these binaries is a form of expression that is ambiguously situated between impressing and being impressed upon, and that to engage the world or the city as such, requires a motor-perceptual form of faith.
The performing arts. Show business, Philosophy (General)