Hasil untuk "Socialism. Communism. Anarchism"

Gisela Manzoni

Reseña de Jacinto Cerdá, Negras tormentas. La FORA anarquista en la ciudad de Buenos Aires (1930-1943), Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, Grupo Editor Universitario, 2023, 133 pgs.

Trond Holmen Erlien

Sam Popowich

This article argues that dominant perspectives on transhumanism maintain a commitment to the autarkic, self-determining, isolated individual subject. As a result, transhumanist conceptions which attempt to overcome individual isolation and alienation, such as J.D. Bernal's "compound brain" reinscribe liberal-individualist notions of subjectivity in a transhumanist future. A transhumanist Marxism would need to offer an alternative theory of identity-formation, and this article investigates autonomist Marxist Paolo Virno's conception of transindividuality both to critique transhumanist individualism and to offer an alternative way of understanding individual subjectivity. With Virno's transindividualist conception of subjectivity in hand, we are better placed to connect Marx's theory of the General Intellect with possible transhumanist futures.

W. Stratford

This article examines the pre-World War I editorials of America’s first Socialist con- gressman, Victor Berger, in order to recover the lost history of early twentieth-century American socialism from the obscuring lenses of Progressivism, Populism, anarchism, scientism, Soviet Communism, and American Exceptionalism. As I argue, talk of a Second Gilded Age today overlooks the vastly different roles “socialism” has played in the respective discourses. Rather than fighting for a stronger national welfare state, even the most conservative Socialists like Wisconsin Representative Victor Berger campaigned for the abolition of wage labour and the overthrow of global capitalism. Recognizing Populism’s failure to preserve its political independence as a working-class movement, Berger, like Debs, proposed that the working class should organize itself under the banner of a socialist party to take state power. In order to link the forma- tion of mass parties like the Socialist Party of America to a totalizing philosophy of history and international political revolution, Berger drew from Second-International Marxist dialogue in which it was enmeshed, not indigenous American traditions. The prolific editorial career of Victor Berger, head of the largest English-language socialist daily in the country, demonstrates how pre-war American Socialists did not merely “translate” Second-International Marxism but rather made up a constitutive part of its transatlantic development.

Javiera Robles Recabarren

En el presente artículo se propone abordar la contribución de las mujeres comunistas durante el período de la “Política de rebelión popular de masas” del Partido Comunista de Chile. Atendiendo a la ausencia historiografica sobre el estudio de las mujeres comunistas en Chile, serán analizadas fuentes orales de antiguas militantes del partido y su brazo armado, el Frente Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez, como también de los  organismos de derechos humanos, sindicatos y organizaciones populares.

Augusto Piemonte

Reseña de Magalí Andrea Devés, Guillermo Facio Hebequer. Entre el campo artístico y la cultura de izquierdas, Buenos Aires, Prometeo Libros, 2020, 302 pp.

Stanislav Holubec

The presented study first summaries the development of Czech anarchism (independent socialism), or its nationally orientated part before World War I and its becoming mainstream in Czech politics between 1914 and 1918 culminating in a merger with national social party. It further describes the marginalisation of this stream in Bohemian politics in 1918–1923 given the calming of the post‑war situation and the radicalisation of this group, which culminated in its exclusion from the ranks of the socialist party. The main theme of the text is an analysis of the attempt by this group to build its own party entity in 1923–1925. In looking for the cause of the failure of this attempt, I argue that the Czechoslovak political landscape was stabilised, which made it difficult for new parties to form, even though they could rely on several nationally known personalities and several thousand activists. As a result of the radical left‑wing orientation of the independent socialists, they did not aim for social democracy after realizing their failure, but for the ranks of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ), which was close to it mainly because of the Czech anarchists’ admiration for the Bolshevik revolution. In conclusion, I argue that the people representing this stream did not have much success in the Communist Party, because they differed from the members of this party in their rather middle‑class habitus and, as former members of the Socialist Party, they had biographies that were suspicious for the KSČ and they did not gain much respect as it was a group that had been unsuccessful in previous years and was quite small compared to the membership base of the KSČ. The failure of the Czech independent socialists does not deviate from European trends, where the political groups between the Social Democrats and the Communists did not gain a foothold even in other countries in the 1920s and 1930s, because the dilemma of going with Moscow or remaining on the platform of parliamentary democracy did not allow for compromise.

G. Ostergaard, J. Narayan, D. Dharmadhikari

Melvin Gallardo Márquez

El artículo tiene por objetivo reconstruir las actividades políticas y gremiales desarrolladas por el dirigente chileno Luis E. Recabarren en el Partido Socialista y en el movimiento obrero argentino, durante su residencia en Buenos Aires, entre 1906 y 1908. Recabarren gozó de un seguimiento de La Vanguardia por su importante trayectoria en el movimiento obrero chileno entre 1904 y 1906. Al autoexiliarse en la Argentina, sus objetivos eran estudiar en profundidad la doctrina socialista, conocer la estructura y organización del PS, su actividad política y su inserción en el movimiento obrero y, a través de esta experiencia, vincular al movimiento obrero chileno con el movimiento socialista internacional.

Hernán Camarero

Presentación

Ida Pernille Christensen

Parallelt med den store befolkningsveksten i Christiania på 1800-tallet, ble det vanligere å bruke fritiden til sosiale og kulturelle aktiviteter. Forlystelsesstedet Christiania Tivoli så dagens lys i 1877, inspirert av europeiske tivolier hvor høykultur møtte populærkultur. Tivoliene ble sett på som ideelle steder å arrangere klassetreff under kontrollerte forhold. I rollen som publikum ville det være enklere for de såkalt ukultiverte arbeiderne å observere og etterlikne elitens formelle dannelse og omgangsform, mente man. Det ble ofte snakket om allmuens «raahed». Blant samfunnets øverste lag eksisterte det en tro på at man kunne få bukt med denne råheten ved å la arbeiderne delta på sosiale og kulturelle treff med samfunnets elite. Artikkelen undersøker spranget mellom den idealistiske forventningen om harmonisk samhandling og de reelle forholdene som ofte var preget av fordommer og nedlatenhet.

Monica Miscali

Italienerne var blant de første innvandrerne til Norge på 1950-tallet. Årsakene til at italienerne flyttet til denne avsidesliggende delen av Europa skilte seg ut fra de som drev den italienske migrasjonen rettet mot andre europeiske land i samme periode. Migrasjonsstrømmene ble kanalisert langs ruter som ofte ble forbundet med en lang felles historie: den sirkulære mobiliteten til oldtidens regimer (ancien régime). Til tross for at antallet italienske innvandrere skulle vise seg aldri å bli særlig stort, utgjorde de likevel den største gruppen av sydeuropeiske innbyggere i Norge. Nordmennene for sin del var ikke vant til disse nye utlendingene, og det tok ikke lang tid før mistilliten mellom de to gruppene kom til uttrykk. På 1960-tallet var flere anti-italienske fordommer utbredt. I denne perioden var det – for å bruke ordene til flere norske aviser – snakk om ekte «rasediskriminering» rettet mot italienske innvandrere.

Paul Orlowski, Michael Cottrell

A strong case can be made that there is an educational debt to Indigenous peoples in Saskatchewan resulting from well over a century of colonization. According to Ladson-Billings, the education debt “comprises historical, economic, sociopolitical, and moral components” that illuminate the execution of systemic and institutional power (2006, p. 3). In a major study with First Nations and Metis students and parents involving 15 research sites across Saskatchewan, “participants spoke eloquently of the historical education debt and its continued malign implications for Aboriginal peoples” in the province (Pelletier, Cottrell, & Hardie, 2013, p. vii). For Saskatchewan’s Indigenous peoples, the importance of this education debt cannot be overstated. Although the high school graduation rates for Indigenous youth have shown slight improvement in recent years, in Saskatchewan there is still a massive gap: in 2017, the graduation rate for non-Indigenous students was 76.5 percent compared to 43.2 percent for their Indigenous peers (Government of Saskatchewan, 2017). Colonialism is the main reason for this discrepancy. Colonialism is legitimated by myths of superiority, inevitability, and racism, and is enforced by the colonizers’ socio-political institutions. Despite the prevailing myths of “social harmony and a tradition of cooperation” (Green, 2006, p. 19), Saskatchewan very much comprises a jurisdiction with a race problem rooted in a problematic colonial history. The colonial model of the past has been replaced by contemporary neo-colonialism. The social problems and low economic status of large segments of Indigenous peoples today are evidence of the legacy of the racist residential school policy. Indeed, postcolonial historiography locates in these institutions the roots of many contemporary educational challenges in Saskatchewan, especially the enduring disconnect between Indigenous peoples and state-sponsored formal educational institutions (Battiste, 2005). Moreover, despite record royalties from potash and other resources in recent years, child poverty for Indigenous families in Saskatchewan is a staggering 45percent, whereas the child poverty rate for non-Indigenous is 13 percent (Douglas & Gingrich, 2009). Hunter and Douglas claim that “Children who grow up in poverty are more likely to lack adequate food, clothing and basic health care, live in substandard housing and poorly resourced neighborhoods, become victims of crime and violence, be less successful in school, suffer ill health and have shortened life spans” (p. 1). This paper makes the case that an education debt exists in Saskatchewan. It outlines a detailed model for targeted funding for Indigenous learners. By addressing this debt through targeted funding, the achievement gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous students should lessen over time. There is a moral imperative to do so.

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Número completo

Anders Aschim

Andreas Johnsson (1835−1914) var son til ein nordlandsk fiskarbonde og blei utdanna som lærar ved Tromsø seminar. Som mange andre med same bakgrunn kom han til Kristiania som lærar på 1860-talet. Dei fleste nordlandslærarane i Kristiania slutta seg til Venstre i dei politisk turbulente åra sist på 1800-talet, men Johnsson gjekk vidare og blei ein frontfigur i det nystarta Arbeidarpartiet i hovudstaden. Gjennom samanlikning med desse medelevane frå seminaret diskuterer artikkelen moglege grunnar til Johnssons radikalisering. Viktige faktorar er truleg Johnssons mangeårige erfaring med vilkåra til arbeidarklassa i hovudstaden, først som lærar på austkanten, seinare som fattigforstandar, og det omfattande engasjementet og personlege nettverket hans i Kristiania Arbeidersamfund, der han spelte ei sentral rolle gjennom skiftande politiske konjunkturar.

Y. Yu

Mercedes López Cantera, Sabrina Asquini

Presentación del dossier

Oralia Gómez-Ramírez

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