Hasil untuk "Political theory"

Jean Louise Cohen, A. Arato

Part 1 The discourse of civil society: the contemporary revival of civil society conceptual history and theoreticl synthesis theoretical development in the 20th century. Part 2 The discontents of civil society: the normative critique - Hannah Arendt the historicist critique - Carl Schmitt, Reinhart Koselleck and Jurgen Habermas the genealogical critique - Michel Foucault the systems-theoretic critique - Niklas Luhmann. Part 3 The reconstruction of civil society: discourse ethics and civil society social theory and civil society social movements and civil society civil disobedience and civil society.

B. Parekh

Eric Msughter Aondover, Ifedolapo Ademosu, Ramson Oloche Acheme

The 2023 general elections in Nigeria were characterised by a surge in hate speech, particularly across digital platforms, significantly shaping the political landscape and influencing voter behaviour. The study highlights how ethno-religious and politically motivated hate speech deepened societal divisions, fostered misinformation, and contributed to voter apathy and fear-driven electoral choices. On social media platforms, individuals and organisations believe that freedom of speech entitles them to speak their minds without any restrictions whatsoever. During elections, this freedom of expression plays out without any hindrance, pervading social media platforms with hate speech rhetoric, misinformation, and disinformation. This study examines how voters’ exposure to political hate speech during the 2023 presidential election campaigns, as disseminated through traditional media, social platforms, and campaign rhetoric, shaped the attitude of voters, their trust in the ability of the candidates to deliver, and their level of electoral participation. Using the Functional Theory of Campaign Discourse, the study analyses the system through which inflammatory language divides public opinion, reinforces divisions in political party groups (among supporters), and destroys the confidence voters have in the Nigerian electoral processes. Based on the pragmatic approach of research design, survey method, and content analysis of hate speech in the 2023 presidential election campaigns will be adopted, and results show pervasive use of hate speech by the political class and how this results in low voter turnout.

Nadia Urbinati

Populism is the name of a global phenomenon whose definitional precariousness is proverbial. It resists generalizations and makes scholars of politics comparativist by necessity, as its language and content are imbued with the political culture of the society in which it arises. A rich body of socio-historical analyses allows us to situate populism within the global phenomenon called democracy, as its ideological core is nourished by the two main entities—the nation and the people—that have fleshed out popular sovereignty in the age of democratization. Populism consists in a transmutation of the democratic principles of the majority and the people in a way that is meant to celebrate one subset of the people as opposed to another, through a leader embodying it and an audience legitimizing it. This may make populism collide with constitutional democracy, even if its main tenets are embedded in the democratic universe of meanings and language. In this article, I illustrate the context-based character of populism and how its cyclical appearances reflect the forms of representative government. I review the main contemporary interpretations of the concept and argue that some basic agreement now exists on populism's rhetorical character and its strategy for achieving power in democratic societies. Finally, I sketch the main characteristics of populism in power and explain how it tends to transform the fundamentals of democracy: the people and the majority, elections, and representation.

Leena Badran, Niveen Rizkalla, Steven P. Segal

Abstract Background Existing evidence indicates that Muslim minorities underutilize mental health services despite a pressing need. Employing the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB), this study seeks to explore considerations that influence mental health help-seeking by Muslims residing in California and Israel. Methods A qualitative approach involving semi-structured interviews guided by the TPB principles was implemented with 78 Muslim participants. Thematic analysis was conducted to identify key themes. Results Employing both deductive and inductive approaches, four major themes were identified: attitudes (advantages, disadvantages, and the influence of religiosity), subjective norms (the impact of significant others), perceived behavioral control (facilitators and challenges), and intentions toward seeking mental health support (influenced by gender, and prior experience). Common social and cultural norms were identified in both groups within the patterns of the TPB. The family's significance as a supportive resource emerged in both groups, but the extended family had a more profound impact among Muslims in Israel. Stigma as a barrier against seeking mental health help was stronger among Muslims in Israel, while financial barriers and socio-political context were highlighted more by Californian Muslims. Conclusions The findings highlighted the importance of adopting a holistic approach to mental health help-seeking among Muslims due to commonalities in approaches, irrespective of geographical differences. Variance between the two groups primarily stemmed from social factors, particularly stigma and the influence of extended family. The results underscore the universality of common aspects and emphasize the importance of addressing social norms and socio-economic realities to enhance engagement among Muslims in both countries.

Luigi Zingales

Mathias Risse

With the rise of far-reaching technological innovation, from artificial intelligence to Big Data, human life is increasingly unfolding in digital lifeworlds. While such developments have made unprecedented changes to the ways we live, our political practices have failed to evolve at pace with these profound changes. In this path-breaking work, Mathias Risse establishes a foundation for the philosophy of technology, allowing us to investigate how the digital century might alter our most basic political practices and ideas. Risse engages major concepts in political philosophy and extends them to account for problems that arise in digital lifeworlds including AI and democracy, synthetic media and surveillance capitalism and how AI might alter our thinking about the meaning of life. Proactive and profound, Political Theory of the Digital Age offers a systemic way of evaluating the effect of AI, allowing us to anticipate and understand how technological developments impact our political lives – before it's too late.

Gonzalo Bustamante Kuschel

This article examines the subtle nuances of Hobbes’s and Kant’s perspectives on rhetoric and materialism, contextualising them within the broader framework of political philosophy. Despite both philosophers being critics of rhetoric, their approaches exhibit notable divergences. Hobbes, who advocated for monarchy, criticized rhetoric from the perspective of a materialist anthropology influenced by Lucretius. However, he paradoxically employed rhetorical strategies in his new scientia civilis. Despite critiquing both Lucretian materialism and rhetoric, Kant incorporated certain rhetorical elements compatible with his philosophical framework, particularly in relation to Epicureanism. This study analyses their interpretations of paradiastole and the implications for the political thought. The argument is that both thinkers, in seeking a rational foundation for the political order, anchor their notions of rationality in Epicurean materialism, by reconfiguring rhetorical elements to suit their respective philosophies. The article elucidates Kant’s republican proclivities and his aspiration to maximize the citizens’ autonomy, which contrasts with Hobbes’s monarchical orientation. This research contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the early modern political thought and its relevance to the contemporary republican and democratic theory.

Giuseppe Martinico

In this article, I shall focus on the legal consequences of one of the most obvious features of populisms: identity politics. In particular, I shall explore how populists in power use constitutional law to identify and fight the alleged enemy, thus confirming their Schmittian flavour. In Schmitt, public law becomes part of a constitutional narrative that represents the people as forged by a static identity that goes back to the mythological origin of the legal system. This reconstruction is based on an organicistic reading of the concept of the people. This identitarian public law makes instrumental use of the moral argument, the historical argument and the religious argument. Populists in government tend to militarise constitutional law in many ways and in this article I will focus on two strategies: one that looks backwards, consisting of the instrumentalisation of the argument of constituent power; and one that looks forward and leverages the use of constitutional amendment.

B. V. Veelen, D. Horst

Abstract In recent years the term ‘energy democracy’ has become increasingly popular, especially in the context of aspirations for a low-carbon transition that include wider socio-economic and political transformation. The emergence of ‘energy democracy’ is thus part of a broader trend in research and practice which has sought to foreground the ‘stuff’ of politics. Yet, unlike the more academically developed concepts of energy justice and energy citizenship, energy democracy is a concept that emerged largely from social movements. This has resulted in a body of literature with little connection to established academic debates and theories. The growing popularity of the concept calls for a critical evaluation of the term and how it is used. By reviewing existing energy democracy publications and bringing these in conversations with more theoretical literature, we are seeking to address four issues; the rationale for pursuing energy democracy, the people and stakeholders involved and excluded, the proposed material focus of energy democracy, and the geographical focus of energy democracy. In the subsequent discussion we draw connections between energy democracy, the growing body of social science energy research and political theory, and identify avenues for further research.

D. Celermajer, D. Schlosberg, D. Wadiwel et al.

This essay is part of a special issue celebrating 50 years of Political Theory. The ambition of the editors was to mark this half century not with a retrospective but with a confabulation of futures. Contributors were asked: What will political theory look and sound like in the next century and beyond? What claims might political theorists or their descendants be making in ten, twenty-five, fifty, a hundred years’ time? How might they vindicate those claims in their future contexts? How will the consistent concerns of political theorists evolve into the questions critical for people decades or centuries from now? What new problems will engage the political theorists (or their rough equivalents) of the future? What forms might those take? What follows is one of the many confabulations published in response to these queries.

B. Ackerly, Luis Cabrera, F. Forman et al.

ABSTRACT Many normative political theorists have engaged in the systematic collection and/or analysis of empirical data to inform the development of their arguments over the past several decades. Yet, the approach they employ has typically not been treated as a distinctive mode of theorizing. It has been mostly overlooked in surveys of normative political theory methods and methodologies, as well as by those critics who assert that political theory is too abstracted from actual political contestation. Our aim is to unearth this grounded normative theory (GNT) approach – to identify its definitive practices and highlight its potential significance. We detail four overlapping commitments characteristic of GNT. These include commitments to expanding the comprehensiveness of input for normative arguments through original empirical research and/or analysis, recursivity in the development of normative claims, attentiveness to the systematic inclusion of a range of voices and ways of knowing, and accountability to those engaged by the theorist in empirical contexts. We discuss methodological distinctions within GNT, including between more- and less-solidaristic approaches. We discuss how GNT answers calls for theorists to engage more closely with empirical political dynamics and we consider responses to possible critiques.

J. Bidadanure

Universal basic income (UBI) is a radical policy proposal of a monthly cash grant given to all members of a community without means test, regardless of personal desert, with no strings attached, and, under most proposals, at a sufficiently high level to enable a life free from economic insecurity. Once a utopian proposal, the policy is now widely discussed and piloted throughout the world. Among the various objections to the proposal, one concerns its moral adequacy: Isn't it fundamentally unjust to give cash to all indiscriminately rather than to those who need it and deserve it? This article reviews the variety of strategies deployed by political theorists to posit that the proposal is in fact justified, or even required, by social justice. The review focuses mainly on the contemporary normative debate on UBI—roughly dating back to Philippe Van Parijs's influential work in the 1990s—and is centered on the ideals of freedom and equality.

Adom Getachew, Karuna Mantena

This essay surveys some recent attempts to decolonize political theory and engage with non-western political thinkers and traditions, especially anticolonialism. Our concern is that these engagements remain too centered on western political thought as the object of critique and analysis. Through the example of Gandhi and Fanon, we argue that anticolonialism, while engaged in a critique of the west, also had a positive or reconstructive theoretical agenda, one that has been taken up in creative ways in postcolonial political thought. Taking cues from the work of Sudipta Kaviraj, Partha Chatterjee, and Mahmood Mamdani, the essay proposes an alternative mode of decolonizing political theory that takes as its central aim the generation of theory from a study of postcolonial politics. It argues for a historically attuned and comparative approach to postcolonial politics that aims to innovate new concepts and reanimate inherited ones. From this perspective, decolonizing political theory is less a recurring critique of Eurocentrism than an effort to shift the terrain of theorizing and thereby reinvigorate the practice of political theory as such.

Thomas Biebricher

D. Panagia

This essay asks how we might articulate a political theory of algorithms. To do so, I propose a political ontology of the algorithm dispositif that elaborates how algorithms arrange the movement of energies in space and time, and how they do so automatically. This force of arrangement is what I refer to as the dispositional power of algorithms that I identify as a political physics of vital processes. The essay is divided into three sections. The first provides readers of Political Theory with a discussion of three notable works in the field of critical algorithm studies relevant to a political theory of algorithms. The subsequent sections of the essay elaborate an understanding of the political ontology of the algorithm dispositif by focusing (first) on the difference that a virtual ontology introduces to our political reflections and (second) on the cybernetic operation of negative feedback that I identify as foundational to understanding an algorithm’s political physics of vital processes. I conclude that any political theory engagement with technical media can’t simply rest on an epistemic analysis of the normative effects of media but must also pursue an investigation into a medium’s modes of existence in the world.

M. Longo, Bernardo Zacka

Should political theorists engage in ethnography? In this letter, we assess a recent wave of interest in ethnography among political theorists and explain why it is a good thing. We focus, in particular, on how ethnographic research generates what Ian Shapiro calls “problematizing redescriptions”—accounts of political phenomena that destabilize the lens through which we traditionally study them, engendering novel questions and exposing new avenues of moral concern. We argue that (1) by revealing new levels of variation and contingency within familiar political phenomena, ethnography can uncover topics ripe for normative inquiry; (2) by shedding light on what meanings people associate with political values, it can advance our reflection on concepts; and (3) by capturing the experience of individuals at grips with the social world, it can attune us to forms of harm that would otherwise remain hidden. The purchase for political theory is considerable. By thickening our understanding of institutions, ethnography serves as an antidote to analytic specialization and broadens the range of questions political theorists can ask, reinvigorating debates in the subfield and forging connections with the discipline writ large.

R. Schild

Budimansyah Budimansyah, Nina Herlina Lubis, Miftahul Falah

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguak tata ruang Galuh Pakwan sebagai ibukota terakhir Kerajaan Galuh, sejauhmana pola ruang kota tersebut berkaitan dengan nilai-nilai kelokalan sebagaimana tergambar dalam historiografi tradisional. Dalam penelitian ini metode sejarah akan dipergunakan sebagai fitur utama agar menghasilkan suatu hasil kajian yang komprehensif, dan menggunakan teori tata kota, serta metode deskriptif-kualitatif. Minimnya sumber terkait sejarah Galuh Pakwan, wawancara secara mendalam kepada para narasumber diharapkan bisa menjadi suatu bahan analisis historis. Berdasarkan fakta di lapangan, Galuh Pakwan sebagai ibukota kerajaan berawal dari sebuah kabuyutan. Pada masa pemerintahan Niskalawastu Kancana, kabuyutan tersebut dijadikan pusat politik dengan tetap menjalankan fungsi kabuyutannya. Seiring waktu, Galuh Pakwan menjelma menjadi sebuah kota yang tata ruangnya menunjukkan representasi dan implementasi konsep kosmologi Sunda. Galuh Pakwan terbentuk oleh pola radial-konsentris menerus, sebagai gambaran kosmologi Sunda sebagaimana terungkap dalam naskah-naksah Sunda kuna. The research is not only aimed at uncovering the spatial layout of Galuh Pakwan as the last capital of Galuh Kingdom, but also at exploring how well the relationship between the urban spatial patterns and the local values as depicted in the traditional historiography. Beside having the historical methods as the main feature to produce a comprehensive study result, the study also uses the urban planning theory, as well as the descriptive qualitative methods. The historical sources related to the history of the Galuh Pakuan are very limited. As a result, the in-depth interviews with the resource persons are expected to be appropriate as the observation material for historical analysis. Based on the facts found in the field, the Galuh Pakwan as the capital of the kingdom originated from a Kabuyutan. During the reign of Niskalawastu Kancana, Kabuyutan served as a political center while maintaining its original function as Kabuyutan. As the time passed, the Galuh Pakwan was transformed into a city whose spatial layout represented and implemented the Sundanese cosmological concept. The Galuh Pakwan was formed by a continuous radial-concentric pattern, as a description of Sundanese cosmology in the ancient Sundanese manuscript.