Introduction. The relevance of the study is determined by the increasing role of North-East Asia as one of the world and political centers, as well as the growth of various challenges and threats in the region, affecting safe and stable development of the world community as a whole. The study of the problem of regional security in Northeast Asia and the participation of Mongolia in its ensuring is important for the formation of theoretical and practical conclusions and assessments regarding its international status. Since the 1980s Mongolia has been consistently pursuing the policy of creating a mechanism for dialogue in Northeastern Asia. The result of these efforts was the Ulaanbaatar Northeast Asia Security Dialogue initiative. Mongolia's active foreign policy and the will to fully participate in regional cooperation in Northeastern Asia and in as many international and multilateral organizations as possible is one of the hallmarks of the phenomenon of modern Mongolia. The purpose of the study is to review the “Ulaanbaatar Dialogue on Security in Northeast Asia” and analyze its role in creating conditions for the interaction of all stakeholders in the interests of maintaining peace in Northeastern Asia. Results. This study presents a brief history of the formation and development of the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue, identifies advantages over similar discussion platforms in the region, and shows the importance of this event in increasing the international status of Mongolia. It is concluded that in the nearest future Mongolia may become an analogue of Asian Switzerland, the main platform for negotiations between countries in Northeast Asia due to the fact that Ulaanbaatar pursues an open, multifaceted foreign policy, and the adherence of this country to the “third neighbor” doctrine makes Mongolia a neutral state that does not participate in military-political blocks.
History of Asia, Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
ABSTRACT
Preservation of the environment with the concept of conservation is one part of the science of ecology. Land use in the riparian area or watershed area is one of the conservation areas needed to fulfill the environmental sustainability of water areas. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the conservation pond program carried out in the Cikapundung watershed, Kampoeng Tjibarani. By collecting data through observation, interviews, and studies of policy literature governing the management and development of project development in watersheds. Based on data collection and analysis of descriptive data that has been carried out, it was found that there were several factors for the failure of this program (1) non-functional land use, (2) unsustainable program and management (3) did not meet the standards and criteria for development policies on regional land River flow . With restoration using the ecopark concept, conservation ponds can be a new breakthrough for management and development of watershed land in accordance with land functional and standards and criteria for management and development of watershed land.
Keywords: watershed; preservation of the environment; ecopark
ABSTRAK
Pelestarian lingkungan dengan konsep konservasi termasuk salah satu bagian dari ilmu ekologi. Pemanfaatan lahan di kawasan sempadan sungai atau Daerah Aliran Sungai (DAS) termasuk salah satu konservasi yang dibutuhkan untuk memenuhi kelestarian lingkungan kawasan air. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengevaluasi program kolam konservasi yang dilakukan di kawasan sempadan sungai Cikapundung, Kampoeng Tjibarani. Dengan pengumpulan data melalui observasi, wawancara, dan studi literatur kebijakan yang mengatur pengelolaan dan pembangunan pembangunan proyek di DAS. Berdasarkan pengumpulan data dan analisis data deskriptif yang telah dilakukan, ditemukan bahwa ada beberapa faktor kegagalan program ini (1) pemanfaatan lahan yang tidak fungsional, (2) program dan pengelolaan yang tidak berkelanjutan, dan (3) tidak memenuhi standar dan kriteria kebijakan pembangunan di lahan DAS. Dengan pemugaran yang menggunakan konsep ecopark, kolam konservasi dapat menjadi terobosan baru untuk pengelolaan dan pengembangan lahan DAS sesuai dengan fungsional lahan dan standar serta kriteria pengelolaan dan pengembangan lahan DAS.
Kata kunci : daerah aliran sungai; pelestarian lingkungan; ecopark
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
As one of the most visible aspects of political life in recent years, the populist rises imply the ‘crisis of representation’ that means the existing institutional mechanism of representative democracy is ineffective in representing the variety of social demands. While this situation, according to the liberal democratic approach, warns of the revival of mass society and new versions of authoritarianism, the radical democratic approach considers it a possibility to retrieve democracy. Which variables determine the contending evaluations of the impact of populism on democracy? The present paper presupposes that the contending evaluations are driven by different conceptions of the principal constituent of democracy (rule of law or general will?) and the populism entity (a manner of governance or a movement constructing collective will?). Given the postulates of the contending democratic theories (liberal and radical), the paper hypothesizes that evaluating the effects of populism on democracy depends on the way of interaction of some variables: a) the content of the populist discourse (egalitarian articulation of plural demands or discriminatory one?); b) the context in which the populist movement arises (democratic structure of opportunity or authoritarian one?) c) the mutual strategy of political actors whether from opposition or in position ones (the connection between street politics and institutional one or disconnection?). Taking advantage of the contending democratic theories (liberal and radical) in a combinative theoretical framework, the paper attempts to justify the hypothesis by highlighting the fact that both democratic theories are built on one aspect of the conception of democratic order. Marking the elements such as individual subjectivity, rationality, the rule of law, pluralism, etc. as characteristics of democratic order, a liberal democratic approach considers populist popular and exclusionary (i.e., determined by populists’ particular definition of the people) orientation as a threat to democracy. It is because such orientation restricts public debates and leads to weakening democratic institutions, the opposition’s rights, and the plurality of society. On the contrary, the radical democratic approach points to the significance of the populist mobilization for the democratization of status quo democracies owing to re-politicization of the issues neglected by the sovereign elite, provided that to articulate accumulated demands around a democratic egalitarian nodal point. Such evaluation emanates from the fact that this approach identifies democracy with collective subjectivity, general will, participation, and so on. It seems that a non-paradoxical and justifiable reference to both the above-mentioned approach in an analysis of the effect of populism on democracy entails taking their different concentrations into account. It means ‘populism-in-power’ (as a way of governance) puts the structural foundations of democracy in danger and facilitates the emergence of authoritarianism due to its anti-institutionalism, anti-pluralism, and tendency to mass politics. It is whilst, in the status of ‘opposition’ (a mobilizing movement), populism might be an opportunity to revive democratic politics. This argument resorts to the action of constructing a new collective will, in populist strategies of mobilizations, which reveals shortages of representative systems such as the monopoly of a minority, technocratic elitism, and so on. Nevertheless, the actualization of the progressive effects of the populist movements on democracy depends heavily on the interaction of variables which are as follows. a) If the populist discourse articulates accumulated social demands around a democratic egalitarian will, then the populist moment (as the moment of crisis in a representative democracy) can be of progressive connotations for democracy-deepening. Conversely, discriminatory articulation (like racist or class populism) paves the way for authoritarianism. Hence in terms of democratization and de-democratization, various populisms can be imagined; ranging from democratic populism to authoritarian, leftist to far-right. b) Realization of the above-mentioned progressive version of populism depends on the ‘democratic structure of political opportunity’. The possibility of mobilization by democratic egalitarian populism is only imaginable where the rules of the democratic competition are guaranteed. In other words, if there is no equal and fair opportunity to declare the policies in electoral campaigns and implement them after taking into power, then there can be just governmental types of populism that mobilize the mass for advocating governmental policies and decisions. Here, populism appears in its authoritarian face in a mass society. c) The third variable is the strategy that political actors of both realms, movement, and institution, in a political structure adapt. If the populist movement ties its street activism with institutional bargaining (e.g. by resorting to parliamentary parties) and, mutually, the government opens up the policy-making input to populist demands (rather than rejecting them), then the rise of a democratic egalitarian populist movement might result in democracy- deepening. Otherwise, populism can bring about some contending de-democratizing mass mobilizations, whether in the shape of authoritarian up-to-down governmental populism or fruitless gross-root radical populism. In brief, the paper maintains that by vindicating ‘popular sovereignty’, populism has double-edged effects in terms of weakening or strengthening democracy; ranging from an infertile radicalism leading to authoritarianism to radical reformism containing the possibility of retrieval of democracy. Hence democratic theory needs to develop an order that balances the rule of law and public will as two sides of democracy. It calls for a new social contract based on a balanced relationship between specialism and democratic responsibility. To reach such a situation, more inclusive politics should be targeted by current-day democracies. The key, however, is hearing the demands of populist advocators rather than populist leaders’ programs.
Political institutions and public administration (General), Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
Metaverse as a digital phenomenon has had an impact on global life since the Covid-19 pandemic took place. Almost all countries experienced disruption in various sectors. One of the countries undergoing transformation is Indonesia. This transformation has become an attraction for researchers to examine the steps taken by the Indonesian government to address the demand for national entrepreneurship in the Metaverse. Moreover, the metaverse has both opportunities and challenges. This study focuses on the public policy dimensions of the Indonesian government in dealing with national entrepreneurship and aims to analyze the factors that play a role in the effectiveness of implementing public policies in the use of the metaverse in Indonesia by using the policy implementation model offered by the Brian W. Hoogwood and Lewis A model. Guns. This study uses qualitative research methods with data collection by literature study. The results show that Indonesia has not optimally developed a national entrepreneurship policy in the metaverse.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
Restructuring policies in government agencies continue to be carried out in accordance with directives issued by the Ministry of Administrative and Bureaucratic Reform, including restructuring Echelon positions at the Ministry of Religion, given the absence of related literature in the Ministry of Religion. It is necessary to do research on comparisons in the situation before simplification and further estimates, in this study the focus of the discussion is on the number of allowances for Echelon Unit I in the central office. The method used in this research is a literature study, with reliable data sources and analysis in the form of a comparative study which can later be used as the basis for implementing restructuring in general, especially in national budget planning at the Ministry of Religion. The results showed that there were several changes in income due to downsizing, including a decrease in the performance allowance received by Echelon III officials who were transferred to Associate Experts (Ahli Madya), while the difference in allowances between positions was not significant for Echelon IV officials who are transferred to the functional positions of Associate Expert (Ahli Madya) and Junior Expert. (Ahli Muda) increase in take home pay in terms of position allowance income. The subject of further discussion with this change is how it affects the performance of officials and their effectiveness in the bureaucracy.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
Introduction. The southern Chinese empire of Eastern Jin, which lost its northern lands in 316, did not lose hope of reclaiming its territories. The East Jin commander Huan Wen undertook three military expeditions to Northern China: the first campaign of 354 (against the northwestern “barbarian” kingdom of the Di clan — Former Qin), the second campaign of 356 (against the rebellious Northern Chinese barbarian general Yao Xiang), and the third campaign of 368 (against the Xianbei kingdom of Former Yan). The purpose of the article was to give a general overview and a brief analysis of the events associated with the three campaigns, as well as to identify the causes and consequences of the victories and defeats of the Chinese side. Materials and methods. The main research methods were historical-genetic, historical-biographical, and historical-geographical analysis of relevant events and personalities. The major source of information about the events associated with Huan Wen’s three campaigns to the North is the official dynastic history “History of the Jin [Dynasty]” (“Jin Shu”), namely the Zaiji section and the Liezhuan biographical section. Results. The unsuccessful outcome of the initially successful campaigns of Huan Wen may be explained by the factional struggle between the capital (Yangzhou) and regional (Jingzhou) groupings of the ruling elite of the Eastern Jin state, as well as the general degradation of the central government apparatus. The crushing defeat of the third northern campaign led to the loss of the territories in Central China previously conquered by the Jin army and the decline of the court career of Huan Wen himself. But his clan remained an influential power in the Jingzhou region.
History of Asia, Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
AbstractThe vision of the Soviet years in post-Soviet republics varies depending on the government's official master narrative, foreign policy priorities, and general public perceptions of the past. By contrasting the published interviews of presidents Putin, Nazarbayev, and Karimov and the outcomes of in-depth interviews with the elderly public in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan), this paper reveals the differences between the official master narratives of political leadership (positive or negative) with respect to the Soviet past and public attitudes. This paper aims to demonstrate that the narratives of political leaders/governments and public recollections coexist in the same social space in parallel to each other. While governments attempt to use their narratives to promote certain policy goals, people use their nostalgic recollections to make sense of the social changes in their respective countries and use such recollections to interpret their lives.
Leadership always be a subject matters in the bureaucracy area, that is why the problems of leadership have a specific character be influenced by feodalism culture. This condition especially has influenced to characteristic of bureaucracy that in the future involve to bureaucratic behavior. In this mean, a bureaucracy as an organization which include in the government apparatus. In the effective leadership, the competency for manage all off organization resources, could be one of the main competency needed. The effective leadership will support to appear the conducive bureaucracy behaviour. The research in Secretary of Kota Bandung, has been gotten that less of respondence perception about leadership of bureaucracy, in factually, have strongly correlation which cause to conducive bureaucracy behaviour, specifically in individual level. Based on the research, to improve the bureaucracy condition, it should start with increasing leadership quality effectively, so that, it’s possible to push up the well attitude of the employees and it will could appear the conducive bureaucracy behaviour. To improve that bureaucracy condition, it need support and intensively collaboration between academician and practician level in the research and development systematically about development system in the government environment.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
Indeks Kinerja Input (IKI) dan Indeks Kinerja Output (IKO) yang diperolah oleh Puskesmas Bogor Tengah pada tahun 2005 hingga tahun 2007 cenderung mengalami perubahan posisi. Pada tahun 2005 IKI Puskesmas ini berada pada posisi kedua tetapi IKO yang dihasilkan mampu berada pada urutan teratas, sedangkan pada saat IKI Puskesmas ini berada pada posisi puncak yaitu pada tahun 2006 dan 2007, IKO yang dihasilkan hanya mampu bertahan pada posisi kedua.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
Sejak munculnya iklim yang lebih demokratis dalam pemerintahan, kinerja instansi pemerintah semakin menjadi sorotan, dan masyarakat mulai banyak menuntut nilai yang diperoleh atas pelayanan yang diberikan intansi pemerintah. Tuntutan tersebut, diutarakan karena masyarakat masih merasa belum puas atas kualitas pelayanan yang diberikan oleh instansi pemerintah. Sampai saat ini, pengukuran kinerja instansi pemerintah dalam melaksanakan tugasnya belum dilakukan secara obyektif, hal tersebut disebabkan karena belum dilaksanakannya sistem pengukuran kinerja yang berisi keberhasilan dan kegagalan instansi pemerintah.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
This research aims to describe fiscal independency in regions (cities) /municipalities in Kepulauan Riau Province. Researcher selected Kepulauan Riau Province because seven regions/municipalities in Kepulauan Riau Province are new local government; and regions/municipalities in Kepulauan Riau Province have a lot of natural resources. Fiscal independency is measured used degree of Fiscal Desentralization concept. This Research used qualitative approach and descriptive method.Beside that, this research used data local government budget (APBD) regions/municipalities in Kepulauan Riau Province periode 2008-2012 which is got from Indonesian Finance Ministry. The result shows there are five regions/municipalities in Kepulauan Riau Province have well fiscal independency and low dependency about central government. And just two regions/municipalities in Kepulauan Riau Province still have bad fiscal independency and high dependency about central government.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
The outbreak of World War II and the occupation of Iran on the pretext of the presence of German troops in this country had unfortunate consequences. The end of Reza Shah Administration meant the beginning of a new era in which absolute authority did not exist anymore. The deterioration of conditions in the country prompted Iranian thinkers to speculate about Iran for the post-Shah era. One of these thinkers was Ahmad Kasravi. According to his many years of experience in the Iranian politics and his life experiences, Kasravi achieved to reconstruct the theory of government in post-Reza Shah Period. Hence; this article will examine the nature and specifics of post-Reza Shah Administration in Ahmad Kasravi’ thought. In order to answer this question using qualitative content analysis method, Kasravi's writings have been investigated from 1942 to 1945. The findings indicate that Kasravi, considering the existing conditions and pursuing a realistic approach, selected an elitist government and recalling what occurred during Iran’s Constitutional period and Reza Shah reign, he believes that neutrality in foreign relations, formation of an independent army, trying to inform people and considering Iran’s cultural conditions in legislation are this elitist government’ duties.
Political institutions and public administration (General), Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
The 14th general election (GE14) in Malaysia saw a democratic breakthrough as the Barisan Nasional's uninterrupted rule since independence finally came to an end. This article seeks to analyse the role and impact of the Bersih movement in GE14 by examining the political context of GE14 via three key political opportunities: the 1MDB scandal; electoral fraud and manipulation; and the re-delineation of electoral boundaries. Bersih's core campaigns, actions, and strategies in response to these political opportunities will be analysed based on information and insights generated from the author's involvement as a member of Bersih's secretariat. The political opportunity resulting from the 1MDB scandal gave room for civil society and the opposition to go on the offensive; Bersih took the lead and continued the tradition of coalition-building between civil society and opposition forces, and brought focus to cross-ethnic issues. At the same time, Bersih held firm in its agenda for electoral reform by continuing to consistently monitor and mobilise against electoral fraud and manipulation leading up to GE14. Via the re-delineation exercise, it mobilised and coordinated resistance by increasing civic participation in the constitutional process and created new areas of contestation via the judiciary. In parallel, Bersih's efforts and strategies towards these political opportunities had created conditions that contributed towards Pakatan Harapan's victory in GE14.
International relations, Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
The political reformation in Indonesia is a determinant factor of the change in political communications and the roles of media. Currently, the political elites need media support, since it contextually has a significant role. Whoever has a good relationship with the media, will be loved by the public. <p>On the other hand, the media also have a vested interest in the elite in running businesses and building the power of industry. Policies and capital pose a challenge to maintaining the continuity of the media. Independence and control of media are at stake, when the interests of the media and the elite collaborate with each other and then build a benefit on both sides. <p>Meanwhile, the role of social media also cannot be neglected. The Indonesian political communication system is characterized by the presence of social media in a pseudo- relationship between the elite and the public.This paper tries to explain the growing trends of research in the academic environment and the research trends in political practice in Indonesia after the occurrence of post- reformation era in legislative and executive elections. <p>The method used is the meta-analysis of research outcomes of university (dissertations) and secondary data sources. Data processing is done by meta-analysis of secondary data. <p>The results of meta-analysis research indicate that, the objective conditions, in Indonesia, especially the political conditions, stimulate new spaces in communication research. The study of political communication becomes dominant in the academic environment. In addition, communication research is also characterized by a shift from the linear perspective (positivistic paradigm) to the interactive perspective (naturalistic paradigm). On the other hand, the development of politic and governance situations in Indonesia has prompted the establishment of polling agencies that help citizens understand the maps of political power and candidates in general elections and regional head elections.
Political science (General), Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
Combining literature from international political economy, international business, and institutional approaches to business studies, this article discusses foreign firms' relationship with the public sector in Southeast Asia. It focuses on the perceptions of the firms on host country policies toward foreign direct investments (FDI) and the impact of global financial crises and regional economic integration on the firms' strategies. The multinational company (MNC)-host government relationship is seen as a cooperative and continual bargaining within a specific institutional framework. Based on interviews with managers of subsidiaries originating from Finland, it is found that the regulatory environment of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries varies from easy to difficult with regard to policies, bureaucracy and protectionism. These pose institutional constraints for the firms, with additional economic constraints caused by global financial crises. Contrary to expectations, the ASEAN free trade agreement does not figure in the firms' investment strategies. This is explained by three findings: most of the firms serve the domestic host country market; the firms operate global rather than ASEAN-wide regional production chains; the firms represent industries that are not typical in Southeast Asian regional production networks.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only), Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)
Biculturals are increasingly viewed as a resource in global business. They are effective in multicultural teams, they are great boundary spanners between corporate headquarters and their subsidiaries, and their abilities are acknowl-edged in cross-cultural leadership. This article aims to generate typologies that will help global businesses gain a clearer understanding of the competences that biculturals can offer them. This study explores biculturalism in two set-tings: business education and global corporations. What unique skills and abilities allow biculturals to take advantage of knowledge from two or more cultures? Do they perceive their skills as resources? And how does corporate experience harness bicultural competences? Surprisingly, this study showed that the bicultural students were not aware of their strengths and advantages. In contrast, the corporate study provided ample evidence of how bicultural abilities were acknowledged and leveraged in international business, once bilculturals were established in the workplace. This article presents a theoreti-cal matrix of bicultural competences, based on the concepts of frame switch-ing and meta-cognition. The matrix categories are: 1) bicultural dissonance, 2) bicultural thinking, 3) bicultural action and 4) bicultural competence.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only), Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)