Hasil untuk "Modern history, 1453-"

Andrew D M Green

This article offers a reassessment of late medieval resistance to the Valois monarchy, through examining south-western France in the mid-fifteenth century as a case study. Whereas modern scholarship has often foregrounded Valois success and treated Gascony as sliding inexorably into the maw of the French state, it is shown here that a deep-rooted revolt against King Charles VII occurred in the south-west in 1452–53, in conjunction with Gascon exiles and the English. Influential and durable networks under the leadership of regional nobles were fundamental throughout the movement, and these entities remained a potent force even after it was defeated. Overall, this is indicative of how backing for, and cooperation with, the English in France around the end of the Hundred Years’ War has traditionally been underestimated, and of how noble-led networks retained the ability to underpin and inspire resistance to the French monarchy.

T. Koçak, Göze Özlem Karaca Koçak

Understanding the interactions between the Ottoman Empire and the Silk Roads can advance our knowledge of how international trade evolved from the late Middle Ages to the modern era. During this period, the Ottomans held significant power and a geostrategic position along the Silk Roads. However, these interactions are often only superficially discussed in the literature. To address this historiographic gap, the current study examines the relationship between the Ottoman Empire and the Silk Roads from the 14th to the early 20th century. The integration of Bursa into the Silk Roads established the Ottomans as a major trading hub in Eurasia, fueling their early expansion and economic power. The conquest of Constantinople in 1453 further strengthened their control over land and maritime trade, igniting cultural exchange and indirectly prompting Europe's search for new sea routes. While Ottoman naval dominance maintained their influence in the Mediterranean in the 16th century, European powers eclipsed them in the 17th and 18th centuries. This repositioned the Ottomans as intermediaries, deepening their economic dependence. Despite reforms, industrial stagnation and dependence on agricultural exports weakened the empire in the 19th century. External dependence and conflicts then accelerated its collapse in the early 20th century. While Ottoman dominance of the Silk Roads initially consolidated their economic and political power, their dependence on this trade route weakened their influence as global trade gradually shifted to sea routes, making them vulnerable to European expansion.

Md. Nurul Amin

Hagia Sophia, an iconic architectural wonder, has stood as a testament to the passage of time and the amalgamation of diverse cultural influences. The journey of Hagia Sophia begins in 537 AD when it was constructed in Constantinople (modern-day Istanbul) during the reign of Emperor Justinian I. As the grandest cathedral of the Byzantine Empire, it showcased remarkable architectural innovations. In 1453, the city fell to the Ottomans, marking a turning point for Hagia Sophia. Under the rule of Sultan Mehmed II, the cathedral was converted into a mosque, and several modifications were made. During the 20th century, Turkey underwent a period of significant political and social reforms under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. As part of his efforts to modernize the nation, Hagia Sophia was transformed into a secular museum in 1935. This transition aimed to embrace the structure’s historical and cultural significance while promoting Turkey's secular identity. However, in recent years, Hagia Sophia has faced controversy and debate over its status. In 2020, it was reverted to a mosque by a decree from the Turkish government, igniting international reactions and raising questions about the delicate balance between cultural heritage and religious symbolism. This historical analysis delves into the evolution of Hagia Sophia as a remarkable architectural marvel that has witnessed the rise and fall of empires and served as a potent symbol of religious and cultural harmony. This study employed qualitative method of historical research mainly based on the secondary sources. By examining its transformation from a Byzantine cathedral to an Ottoman mosque and eventually a museum, this study sheds light on the complex interplay of historical, political, and religious forces that have shaped the destiny of this extraordinary monument.

Joan-Pau Rubiés

Mark Cauchi

The aim of this article is to examine the role of Catholic political thought in relation to the history of European integration and show how the shift away from this communitarian tradition by mainstream social democratic and conservative parties can help explain the rise of populism. The idea of Europe as a unified entity has always been grounded in its Christian character, and this was the basis of the Christian Democratic pan-European project of the EU’s ‘founding fathers’ in the mid-twentieth century. The rise of both social and economic liberalism in the ensuing years led to a disconnect between the political establishment – who remain largely supportive of the project – and growing numbers of disaffected citizens. A refocusing of the political narrative in relation to European integration on the continent’s communitarian and Christian (and Social) Democratic traditions could halt the advance of populist-nationalism and Eurosceptic parties.

Sylvain André

Jacobo Lopez Felipe

El presente artículo plantea un recorrido sobre cómo se ha abordado e investigado el auge y consolidación de vox, la formación de extrema derecha que desde 2018 ha penetrado en las instituciones del Estado jugando un papel destacado en la agenda política de los distintos niveles de gobierno. En este sentido, se ponen de relieve las publicaciones más importantes tanto de académicos como de personajes públicos que se han aproximado a este fenómeno, con dispares niveles de rigurosidad, contribuyendo al conocimiento colectivo sobre las causas y la naturaleza del éxito relámpago de la formación de Santiago Abascal.

A. Degg

K. Mallett, S. Guarín, R. Sierra

Dual mobility (DM) components are increasingly used to prevent and treat dislocation after total hip arthroplasty (THA). Intraprosthetic dissociation (IPD) is a known rare complication of these implants and has reportedly decreased with modern implants. The purpose of this paper is to report the diagnosis and treatment of modern DM IPD.1453 DM components were implanted between 2010 and 2021. 695 in primary and 758 in revision THA. 49 hips sustained a dislocation of the large head and 5 sustained an IPD at presentation. 6 additional IPD occurred at the time of reduction of large head. The average age was 64, 54% were female and the mean follow-up was three years. Of the 11 IPD, 8 had a history of instability, 5 had abductor insufficiency, 4 had prior lumbar fusion, and 3 were conversions from fracture.The overall IPD incidence was 0.76%. Ten of the 11 DM IPD were missed at initial presentation or at the time of reduction, and all were discharged with presumed reduction. The mean time from IPD to surgical treatment was 3 weeks. One patient died with an IPD at 5 months. A DM head was reimplanted in six, two underwent revision of the acetabular component with exchange of DM head, and four were revised to a constrained liner. The re-revision rate was 55% at a mean 1.8 years. None of the patients who underwent cup revision required subsequent re-revision while half of the constrained liners and exchange of DM heads required re-revision.The overall rate of DM dislocation or IPD is low. It is critical to identify an IPD on radiographs as it was almost universally missed at presentation or when it occurred iatrogenically. For patients presenting with IPD, the surgeon should consider acetabular revision and conversion to a constrained liner or a larger DM, with special attention to removing impinging structures that could increase the risk of re-dislocation.

Jorge Ramón Ros

Este artículo analiza, por un lado, cómo eran percibidas las relaciones entre l'Horta y la ciudad de Valencia por las autoridades municipales y la prensa a través de sus representaciones de los fematers (agricultores encargados de la recogida de desperdicios urbanos); y por otro, cómo la última generación de este oficio ha dado sentido a sus recorridos pasados entre el campo y la ciudad. De acuerdo a las fuentes interpretadas (documentación interna consistorial, literatura, prensa y entrevistas orales) son contrastados tres contextos distintos. En primer lugar, el de sus conflictos sociales con el incipiente gobierno blasquista a principios del siglo XX; en segundo lugar, una etapa de malestar agrario generalizado entre la I Guerra Mundial y el trienio bolchevique (1916-1921) y por último, en los albores del desarrollismo franquista en Valencia, etapa en la que desempeñaron su trabajo los fematers entrevistados.

Anthony Kaldellis

After the Roman Empire lost Egypt and Syria to the Arab conquests of the seventh century, it survived in the Balkans and Asia Minor until the fifteenth century in a form that modern historians call “Byzantium.” This state expanded gradually until the eleventh century, conquering Bulgaria, but then experienced the shock of sudden contractions, especially when it lost most of Asia Minor to the Seljuk Turks and when the Fourth Crusade captured its capital Constantinople and dismembered the empire. This chapter examines how the empire’s governing institutions adapted to these changing circumstances, the combination of Roman and Christian Orthodox ideology that sustained it, and the shifting balance of ethnic diversity within it. At all times, the majority of the population consisted of Greek-speaking Orthodox Romans: “empire” was thus more a relationship that obtained between the state and its conquered or absorbed minorities, which Byzantium was good at assimilating.

Beatriz Sánchez Hita

Book review

Manuela D’Amore

The aim of this paper is to shed light on an under-researched area of study: that of the relations that the leading members of the «Caffé» – Paolo Frisi, Cesare Beccaria and the Verri – established with the Royal Society’s Anglo-Italian circles in 1765-1767. These were generally men of science, even though it is also possible to detect the signs of their interest in the socio-legal topics underlying the iconic Dei delitti e delle pene. Building upon a complex epistolary network, as well as a series of unpublished materials, we shall try to show that Father Frisi was at the heart of the creation of a transnational cultural bridge between Milan and London, and that despite their stronger ties with Paris and its philosophes, Beccaria and the Verris benefited from these exceptional contacts. The picture that we shall draw will clarify the role of learned academies in eighteenth-century Europe, on the interdisciplinary nature of intellectual exchanges, particularly on the international milieu where the «book of crimes» was translated into English.

J. Davidann, M. Gilbert

Capitale Culturale, Tommy D. Andersson, E. Borgonovi et al.

Sánchez Llanes, Iván

En el Barroco hispano la cosmovisión desarrollada asumió que la vida era una constante guerra espiritual. Esta percepción se componía de los conceptos de amor y violencia. Asimismo, esta comprensión fue incorporada a la política, en la que los conceptos anteriores se desarrollaron de diversas formas. La guerra en sus distintas formulaciones nos puede informar de las variantes políticas desarrolladas entre el amor y la violencia durante el Barroco hispano.

Harris Athanasiades

Students in present-day Greek schools are taught History as a biography of the Greek nation from the Mycenaean times to the present. Over the course of three millennia, the Greek nation has experienced three periods of cultural flourishing and political autonomy: (i) the period of Antiquity (from the times of legendary King Agamemnon to those of Alexander the Great), (ii) the Byzantine period (from Justinian’s ascension in the 6th century to the Fall of Constantinople in 1453), and (iii) the modern era (from the War of Independence in 1821 to the present day). However, in this article we argue that in the 19 th century the history taught in Greek schools differed substantially from the tripartite schema described above. In support of our thesis, we examine the most popular school textbook of the 19 th century, O Gerostathis, by Leon Melas. In the Gerostathis, the history of the Greek nation is identified with that of Classical Greece (i.e. from the 6 th century BC to the 4 th century BC), which is held up as an exemplary era worthy of emulation. In contrast, the rise of Macedon under Philip II signals the cultural decline of the Greeks and the loss of their political autonomy, which was not regained for two millennia, until the 1821 national revolution. In that period, the Greek nation ceased not to exist, but survived as a subjugate of the Macedonians, the Romans, and finally the Ottomans. The Byzantine, on the other hand, is described as an unremarkable period of decadence that is only worth mentioning in relation to its final period, that of the Palaeologus dynasty, which bestowed upon the Greeks a legacy of resistance against the Ottomans. We argue that the above reading of the Greek past owed much to the Enlightenment, which as an intellectual movement still exerted a powerful influence (albeit to a gradually diminishing degree) on Greek intellectuals up to the latter third of the 19 th century.

Marta Marfany Simó

Review to Delle Donne, Fulvio & Torró, Jaume (eds.) L’immagine di Alfonso il Magnanimo tra letteratura e storia, tra Corona d’Aragona e Italia - La imatge d’Algons el Magnànim en la literatura i la Historiografia entre la Corona d’Aragó i Itàlia, Firenze, SISMEL -Edizioni del Galluzzo , 2016, XII + 300 p. ISBN: 978-88-8450-691-7

Nicola Tonietto

The aim of this work is to describe German and Republican Fascists secret services espionage and sabotage networks, their missions and their agents who were sent to the South-Central Italy, between 1943 and 1945, with the goal of obstructing the Allied advance. The two German secret services, namely Abwehr and Sicherheitsdienst, recruited Italian agents (who belonged to the Milizia, the Black Brigades or Borghese’s Decima Mas) to take part in espionage and sabotage operations beyond the Allied lines. Even the fascists themselves, through the newborn SID or other groups like Prince Pignatelli’s or Pucci-Del Massa Office, tried to plan espionage networks but also to prepare the ground for the survival of the fascism after the end of the war.

Adrià Martí i Badia

Review to Sònia Gros, «Aquella dolçor amarga». La tradició amatòria clàssica en el Curial e Güelfa. València, Publicacions de laUniversitat de València, 2015, 346 pp, ISBN: 978-84-370-9648-3