{"results":[{"id":"arxiv_2602.19100","title":"Political influence and corporate profits: a study of Hungarian firms","authors":[{"name":"Zoltan Bartha"}],"abstract":"This paper investigates the extent of political rent seeking in Hungary in the 2010s. Political capitalism--where powerful private interests influence public policy for private gain--creates opportunities for rent seeking that vary across sectors. The analysis is based on a theoretical model assuming rent seeking occurs in a three-stage process: changes in economic institutions granting regulatory privileges, which are enhanced by political-business networks; this leads to scarcities, and increased market power in certain markets; which then generates rents. To quantify this, the study evaluates Hungarian political capitalism by examining the impact of political decisions on firms' rents, analysing the profit trends of the 1,000 largest Hungarian firms (selected annually by net sales) and comparing their mean profit share (earnings before tax) across two periods: 2008-2012 and 2019-2023. A significant increase in a sector's mean profit share was assumed to indicate increased rent seeking. Using Welch's two-sample t-tests, three sectors were identified as potentially experiencing increased rent seeking: agriculture, construction, and financial and insurance activities. Quantitative findings include a 320% increase in mean agricultural profit share (70% in mean ROA), a more than fivefold increase in construction mean profit share (mean ROA from 3.3% to 10.1%), and a more than 6.5 times increase in financial sector mean profit share. Furthermore, a similar Czech analysis showed no significant increases in any sector's profit share, suggesting that the detected rises in Hungarian sectors are linked to domestic activities rather than external factors, which strengthens the findings.","source":"arXiv","year":2026,"language":"en","subjects":["econ.GN"],"doi":"10.1007/s10602-026-09505-7","url":"https://arxiv.org/abs/2602.19100","pdf_url":"https://arxiv.org/pdf/2602.19100","is_open_access":true,"published_at":"2026-02-22T09:06:54Z","score":70},{"id":"ss_9215e6d05ef30fbe018315a6fa5e3b1214b46e4b","title":"The current state of development of think tanks in Central Asia and their impact on policy-making processes","authors":[{"name":"L. Zhan"}],"abstract":"Importance. Over the past three decades of independence, fundamental transformations in the political and economic systems have led to profound changes in the social environments of the Central Asian countries. Think tanks, as integral components of modern public administration systems, play a significant role in the political processes of the five Central Asian states, which operate under incomplete democratic systems. Concurrently, given the region's strategic role as a key hub connecting Asia and Europe and a vital bridge for Sino-Russian cooperation, analyzing the current status and developmental disparities among these think tanks holds substantial practical value. Materials and Methods. Based on think tank rankings published by the University of Pennsylvania's research group and supplementary data from five Central Asian countries, 51 influential think tanks were selected for a comprehensive study. Through statistical analysis, text analysis, case studies, historical research, and comparative analysis, this research systematically examines: the current status and characteristics of Central Asian think tanks; their management and operational odels; the approaches and effectiveness of their participation in policy-making processes; the reasons for disparities in their engagement with political processes. Results and Discussion. Central Asian think tanks can be roughly divided into three main categories: government, academic, and independent. Their funding sources are diverse, and their research covers a wide range of areas. However, the level of development and influence on government decision-making vary from country to country, depending on political institutions and socioeconomic conditions. Additionally, their organizational and operational models are characterized by relative closeness, meaning information on financing and project management mechanisms is rarely available from open sources. The role of these think tanks in national politics can be divided into two areas: direct influence on policy formation and indirect influence through shaping public opinion. Conclusion. Among the various types of Central Asian think tanks, government-affiliated institutions exert the strongest influence on decision-making, followed by academic entities, while independent ones have the least impact. Nationally, Kazakhstan‟s think tanks hold the greatest influence, with Uzbekistan ranking second, Kyrgyzstan third, and Tajikistan and Turkmenistan demonstrating the lowest policy impact. This hierarchy correlates with each country‟s political openness, institutional maturity, and think tanks‟ integration into governance processes.","source":"Semantic Scholar","year":2026,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.20310/1810-0201-2026-31-1-230-251","url":"https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/9215e6d05ef30fbe018315a6fa5e3b1214b46e4b","is_open_access":true,"published_at":"","score":70},{"id":"ss_1343cb22e5fc95bc71885e591f1a2b80f6f48ed3","title":"AGILE GOVERNANCE IN CENTRAL ASIA: ADAPTING THE UAE’S 100-DAY CHALLENGE MODEL FOR KAZAKHSTAN’S PUBLIC SECTOR REFORM","authors":[{"name":"N. Ibadildin"},{"name":"Aigul Aitbayeva"},{"name":"Symbat Issabayeva"},{"name":"Mustafa Çolak"}],"abstract":"Amid rising technological and institutional complexity, public administration increasingly confronts the limitations of traditional bureaucratic mechanisms for project delivery. Lengthy approval cycles, fragmented accountability, and weak interagency coordination reduce the state’s capacity to respond promptly to socio-economic challenges and implement innovative solutions. In this context, accelerated models of managing government initiatives-focused on achieving measurable outcomes within compressed timeframes-are of growing scholarly and practical interest. This study substantiates the feasibility and conditions for adapting the government acceleration model “100 Days Challenge,” implemented in the United Arab Emirates, to the public administration system of the Republic of Kazakhstan. The methodological basis comprises qualitative case analysis, comparative examination of international government accelerator practices, and analysis of the pilot application of the 100-day methodology in Kazakhstan in 2024. The article demonstrates that acceleration mechanisms can substantially shorten the implementation time of cross-agency projects, increase controllability and transparency, and create conditions for institutional learning in the public sector. It is argued that direct transplantation of the UAE model into Kazakhstan is not feasible due to differences in project management maturity and institutional environment. As a scientific contribution, the paper proposes an adaptation framework-Kazakh 100-Day Challenge (K-100)-that combines a centralized political mandate, temporary autonomous acceleration structures, and formalized transparency and documentation protocols. The findings expand understanding of governance innovation transfer mechanisms in transitional administrative systems and may inform the design of national tools for accelerating public reforms. Keywords: project management; public administration; acceleration; innovation; rapid innovation model; government accelerators; digital maturity","source":"Semantic Scholar","year":2026,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.52123/1994-2370-2026-1703","url":"https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/1343cb22e5fc95bc71885e591f1a2b80f6f48ed3","is_open_access":true,"published_at":"","score":70},{"id":"ss_d288d5fddd8eca249b53d865ca41339b55e55c1c","title":"Islamic Education in Contemporary Central Asia: Reviewing Ideas, Curriculum and Pedagogy","authors":[{"name":"Showkat Hussain"}],"abstract":"The definition and function of Islamic education are still a hot debate in Central Asian Muslim societies. Islam is a significant characteristic of these societies, and the governments approach the idea more utterly. The entire region is earmarked by a distinctive aspect of Islamic civilization that shaped the political and socio-economic structure of this region. This distinction corresponds to a spectacular culture with much broader intellectual traditions rooted in Inner Asia than those of Iran and the Middle East. The study of Islam in Central Asia not only represents various socio-political issues but also discusses contemporary intellectual revival (Tajdid) in the Islamic education system. The Soviet imposition of the teaching of scientific atheism in public schools meant that there were virtually no educators who were familiar with secular, social scientific curricula and teaching methodologies on the study of religion. The lack of pedagogical tools for teaching social scientific approaches to religion led to the widespread view that religion can or should be understood only in doctrinal terms. Not surprisingly, critical and comparative approaches to the study of religion, still in a nascent stage of development, have not found much of a following. The extreme Salafist elucidations of Islam, as well as leaden approaches of traditional viewpoints, are also a challenge to Islamic education in Central Asia since 2005. In 2010, Central Asian scholars of Islam became aware of the potential dangers of an overly narrow religious education and regularly express these concerns due to the isolation of much of the region from prestigious centres of Islamic learning, including Jamiaal-Azhar of Egypt, Arab Institutions and reputed Indo-Pak religious seminaries. In the given context, this article assesses the contemporary discourse of Islamic education in Central Asian Muslim societies, as well as its socio-political implications and significant challenges for designing a balanced pedagogical framework in Islamic education.","source":"Semantic Scholar","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.59373/drs.v3i1.47","url":"https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/d288d5fddd8eca249b53d865ca41339b55e55c1c","is_open_access":true,"citations":5,"published_at":"","score":69.15},{"id":"ss_ec6660103ba4fff88771643cf9b55842349e5966","title":"Fiscal Policy and Public Debt: Evidence from Pakistan","authors":[{"name":"Yasir Mahmood"},{"name":"Muhammad Ali"},{"name":"Ahmed"},{"name":"Tufail Muhammad"}],"abstract":"This study provides a comprehensive empirical analysis of the dynamic relationship between fiscal policy and public debt sustainability in Pakistan from 1990 to 2023. It investigates the long- and short-run impacts of government expenditure, taxation, and fiscal deficits on the nation's escalating debt burden. Employing a quantitative research design and advanced econometric techniques, including the Auto-Regressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model, the research utilizes robust time-series data from the State Bank of Pakistan, World Bank, and IMF. The findings reveal that persistent fiscal deficits are the primary driver of public debt accumulation, exhibiting a strong positive correlation. Furthermore, while tax revenue enhancements demonstrate a limited stabilizing effect in the short run, their role in ensuring long-term debt sustainability is critical. The analysis identifies a structural imbalance, with recurrent government expenditure, particularly on debt-servicing and non-developmental sectors, crowding out productive investment and exacerbating fiscal fragility. The study concludes that Pakistan's fiscal policy has historically prioritized short-term political and economic objectives, inadvertently fuelling a debt-deficit spiral and compromising long-term macroeconomic stability. Consequently, the research strongly advocates for deep-rooted structural reforms, including a significant broadening of the tax base, strategic rationalization of public spending towards development projects, and the institutionalization of fiscal discipline through enhanced governance and transparency. These measures are imperative to break the cycle of indebtedness and secure a trajectory of sustainable and inclusive economic growth. References Ahmad, M. H., \u0026 Abbas, Q. (2022). Fiscal deficit and public debt sustainability in Pakistan: Evidence from nonlinear ARDL approach. Economic Change and Restructuring, 55(3), 1473–1492. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10644-021-09371-0 Ahmed, F., \u0026 Khan, M. A. (2021). Fiscal policy, debt dynamics, and economic growth: Evidence from developing economies. Journal of Economic Studies, 48(6), 1125–1142. https://doi.org/10.1108/JES-02-2020-0074 Ahmed, S., \u0026 Malik, R. (2020). Revenue mobilization and debt sustainability: A comparative analysis of South Asian economies. South Asian Journal of Economic Policy, 5(2), 75–92.   Ali, M., \u0026 Khan, T. (2019). Fiscal sustainability and the debt-growth nexus: Evidence from Pakistan. Pakistan Economic Review, 42(1), 55–70.   Anwar, H., \u0026 Qasim, A. (2020). External borrowing and fiscal sustainability in Pakistan: New insights from ARDL modeling. International Journal of Development Studies, 15(3), 145–160.   Anwar, S., \u0026 Shah, F. (2021). Economic growth and debt sustainability: Evidence from Asian emerging economies. Asian Economic Review, 63(2), 215–233.   Arsh, S., Sarwar, J., \u0026 Iftikhar, S. (2021). An empirical analysis of short run and long run association between debt servicing and external debt in Pakistan. Bulletin of Business and Economics.   Baig, D., Qamri, G. M., Hassan, A., Khan, Q. R., \u0026 Akbar, A. (2024). Presence of Debt Overhung Effect in Pakistan: Empirical Evidence with ARDL Model. Pakistan Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, 12(1), 1911.   Butt, H., \u0026 Awan, K. (2021). The role of external debt in shaping fiscal vulnerabilities: Evidence from Pakistan. Journal of International Finance, 29(4), 390–406.   Butt, S., \u0026 Hassan, A. (2020). Tax system inefficiencies and fiscal vulnerability: The case of Pakistan. Review of Public Finance, 12(2), 101–118.   Farooq, I., Akram, M., Khan, C., \u0026 Shah, S. R. A. (2022). Disaggregated Components of Public Debt and Economic Growth of Pakistan. Journal of Business and Social Review in Emerging Economies. https://doi.org/10.26710/jbsee.v8i3.1975 Farooq, N., \u0026 Akram, S. (2019). Fiscal deficits and debt accumulation in Pakistan: A time series perspective. Pakistan Development Journal, 58(4), 321–339.   Hanif, M. N., \u0026 Arby, M. F. (2021). Public debt dynamics and fiscal sustainability in Pakistan. Journal of Economic Policy Reform, 24(1), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1080/17487870.2019.1592756 Hassan, I., \u0026 Rauf, S. (2020). Fiscal discipline and debt sustainability: Policy lessons from Pakistan. Journal of Fiscal Studies, 11(1), 67–82.   Hussain, A., \u0026 Latif, S. (2019). Fiscal policy, external debt, and macroeconomic instability: Evidence from Pakistan. Asian Journal of Economic Modelling, 7(3), 113–128.   Hussain, F., \u0026 Tariq, M. (2020). Economic growth and debt reduction: Evidence from Pakistan. Bulletin of Economic Research, 72(2), 145–163. https://doi.org/10.1111/boer.12245 Hussain, T., Mustafa, A. R. U., Makhdum, M. I., \u0026 Kaleem Ullah. (2022). Defense Expenditures, Fiscal Deficit and Debt Servicing Nexus: A Case Study of Pakistan. Bulletin of Business and Economics, 11(2), 74-83.   Iqbal, J., \u0026 Zahid, S. (2020). Does fiscal policy influence economic growth? Empirical evidence from Pakistan. Cogent Economics \u0026 Finance, 8(1), 1767850. https://doi.org/10.1080/23322039.2020.1767850 Iqbal, Z., \u0026 Ahmad, K. (2021). Public spending and debt dynamics in resource-constrained economies: Evidence from Pakistan. Journal of Policy Modeling, 43(1), 89–105. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpolmod.2020.11.003 Javed, A., \u0026 Arif, B. (2020). Fiscal expansion, debt accumulation, and growth trade-offs: Evidence from Pakistan. Asian Economic Journal, 34(1), 45–62.   Javed, S., \u0026 Karim, A. (2019). Taxation, compliance, and fiscal vulnerability in developing countries: Insights from Pakistan. International Journal of Public Administration, 42(7), 567–578. https://doi.org/10.1080/01900692.2018.1440735 Javed, U., \u0026 Rehman, M. (2020). Fiscal sustainability and econometric modeling: A study on Pakistan’s debt dynamics. Applied Economics and Policy, 29(2), 210–225.   Khalid, A., \u0026 Munir, H. (2021). Growth volatility and debt sustainability in emerging economies: A case of Pakistan. International Review of Applied Economics, 35(5), 621–640. https://doi.org/10.1080/02692171.2020.1851775 Khalid, S., \u0026 Nadeem, M. (2020). Structural reforms and fiscal sustainability: Evidence from Pakistan. Economic Policy Review, 13(2), 91–108.   Khan, J., Subhan, S., \u0026 Gondal, A. H. (2023). Effect of External Debt Services on Economic Growth: An Empirical Evidence from Pakistan. International Journal of Social Science Archives.   Khan, M. A., \u0026 Gill, A. R. (2022). External debt and economic growth in Pakistan: The role of fiscal policy. Journal of Public Affairs, 22(2), e2468. https://doi.org/10.1002/pa.2468 Khan, R., \u0026 Ali, S. (2019). Tax base, fiscal institutions, and debt accumulation: A South Asian perspective. South Asian Journal of Economics, 7(1), 35–52.   Malik, M., \u0026 Hussain, A. (2020). Fiscal deficits and the debt spiral: Evidence from Pakistan. Journal of Asian Economics, 67(3), 134–149. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.asieco.2020.101169 Mehmood, R., \u0026 Latif, A. (2019). Growth-debt relationship in South Asia: Empirical evidence. Asian Development Journal, 26(2), 98–116.   Minhaj ud-Din, Khan, M. A., \u0026 Tariq, M. (2020). External Debt - Blessing or Curse: Empirical Evidence from Pakistan. International Journal of Economics and Financial Issues, 10(4), 235–246.   Naeem, A. (2009). Impact of Public Debt on the Economic Growth of Pakistan. The Pakistan Development Review, 50(4), 599–615.   Qadir, T., \u0026 Farooq, S. (2019). Growth cycles and fiscal sustainability in emerging economies: Evidence from Pakistan. Economic Modelling Journal, 35(2), 110–125.   Qureshi, N., \u0026 Ali, H. (2020). External debt and fiscal challenges: Evidence from Pakistan. International Journal of Financial Studies, 8(4), 55–70. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijfs8040055 Rashid, H., \u0026 Amjad, M. (2020). Fiscal policy, debt, and growth nexus: Empirical evidence from Pakistan. Journal of Economic Development, 45(1), 23–40.   Rauf, A., \u0026 Awan, B. (2019). Fiscal deficits and debt accumulation: Empirical perspectives from Pakistan. Pakistan Journal of Economic Studies, 14(3), 215–232.   Rauf, S., \u0026 Qureshi, A. (2020). Fiscal institutions, tax capacity, and debt accumulation in Pakistan. Fiscal Studies Review, 9(1), 44–62.   Rehman, A., \u0026 Ahmad, A. (2021). Fiscal policy, budget deficit and public debt nexus in Pakistan: A time series analysis. Future Business Journal, 7(1), 39. https://doi.org/10.1186/s43093-021-00078-3 Saeed, H., \u0026 Khattak, N. (2019). Expansionary fiscal policy and debt in resource-constrained economies: Evidence from Pakistan. International Journal of Economics and Finance, 11(5), 95–106.   Saeed, R., \u0026 Shahid, M. (2021). Fiscal reforms and debt sustainability: Lessons from Pakistan. Review of Development Finance, 11(1), 77–89. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.rdf.2021.02.002 Shabbir, G., \u0026 Yasin, H. M. (2022). Analyzing the impact of government spending and public debt on economic growth: Evidence from Pakistan. Financial Innovation, 8(1), 11. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40854-021-00329-8 Shah, A., \u0026 Rehman, M. (2021). Fiscal institutions and public debt management in South Asia: Evidence from Pakistan. Asian Journal of Public Policy, 13(4), 342–359. https://doi.org/10.1080/17516234.2021.1885933 Shahid, A., \u0026 Karim, M. (2020). Fiscal deficits, debt accumulation, and sustainability challenges in Pakistan. Journal of Applied Economics, 23(2), 199–217.   Tariq, H., \u0026 Abbas, F. (2021). Debt-deficit spiral and fiscal policy challenges in Pakistan. Economic Change and Restructuring, 54(2), 201–220. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10644-020-09263-1 Tariq, M., \u0026 Malik, S. (2019). Fiscal sustainability in Pakistan: An econometric assessment. Pakistan Development Review, 58(2), 135–154.   Tariq, S., \u0026 Raza, A. (2019). Revenue reforms and debt dependency: A study of South Asian economies. Asian Development Policy Review, 7(2), 90–105.   Waheed, A., \u0026 Khan, H. (2020). External borrowing and fiscal sustainability: Evidence from Pakistan. International Journal of Economics","source":"Semantic Scholar","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.63544/ijss.v4i4.178","url":"https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/ec6660103ba4fff88771643cf9b55842349e5966","is_open_access":true,"citations":2,"published_at":"","score":69.06},{"id":"crossref_10.4337/9781035333646.00024","title":"The impregnable fortress of Islamic public administration in Central Asia: mahalla institutions in Uzbekistan","authors":[{"name":"Rustamjon Urinboyev"}],"abstract":"","source":"CrossRef","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.4337/9781035333646.00024","url":"https://doi.org/10.4337/9781035333646.00024","is_open_access":true,"citations":1,"published_at":"","score":69.03},{"id":"ss_f0da0ed7e179956c29b4ede1a22be82b71203d68","title":"Party System Transformation in Central Asian Countries in the Context of Strengthening Political Regimes","authors":[{"name":"B. Guseletov"},{"name":"N. Velikaya"}],"abstract":"Introduction. The problems of the development of the political systems of the Central Asian countries have now become particularly relevant in the context of global political tension. Due to its geographical location, the region is becoming an arena of competition for influence between major powers, economic blocs and multinational corporations. The purpose of the study is to determine the vector of changes in the party and political systems of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan and its impact on the transformation of the party and political system. Materials and Methods. The empirical basis of the article is the analysis of the results of the presidential and parliamentary elections in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan in 2019‒2022, as well as the political reform programs announced by the leaders of these countries who came to power as a result of these elections. The authors’ research strategy is based on neo-institutional analysis, which allows us to identify not only the formal parameters of the political system, but also the informal interactions of political actors. Results. Three stages of the formation of political systems in the post-Soviet period have been identified and described. The common features of their institutionalization and functioning are revealed: the ongoing process of party-building of political institutions, accompanied by changes in the constitutional system, a combination of liberalization and exclusion of the opposition from the political process, and in some cases a ban on the activities of opposition parties. The specific feature of the evolution of party systems in the republics lies in the fragmentary adaptation of Western institutions. Discussion and Conclusion. It is revealed that the neo-patrimonial nature of political regimes has affected the functioning of party systems. At all stages of their evolution, an important role in the direction of their development was played by the executive branch, which was characterized by a high degree of personalization. A distinctive example was Kyrgyzstan, where parties sought and had the opportunity to influence the activities of political institutions, which was especially evident during the presidency of A. Atambayev. After the change of leaders in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, the powers of the parties and their impact on the formation of parliaments and governments began to gradually increase, which also affected the party landscape in Central Asian countries. The article is of interest to researchers in the field of party building in the post-Soviet space, the political systems of Central Asian countries, as well as political and public figures interested in this topic.","source":"Semantic Scholar","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.15507/2413-1407.033.202501.077-090","url":"https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/f0da0ed7e179956c29b4ede1a22be82b71203d68","pdf_url":"https://doi.org/10.15507/2413-1407.033.202501.077-090","is_open_access":true,"citations":1,"published_at":"","score":69.03},{"id":"ss_447a0e848d7d84e55734ddcef13edce755f954c8","title":"THE DYNAMICS OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF DEMOCRATIC TRANSFORMATION IN TURKEY","authors":[{"name":"H. Çeli̇k"},{"name":"İbrahim Şahin"},{"name":"A. Öztürk"},{"name":"Emre Aydın"}],"abstract":"This study examines the evolving dynamics of social and political relations in Turkey amid its ongoing democratic transformation, focusing on how diverse social forces interact with the state and shape the trajectory of democratization. Positioned between Europe and Asia, Turkey provides a complex setting where formal democratic institutions coexist with increasing authoritarian tendencies.  Employing a qualitative, descriptive-analytical approach, the research analyzes developments from the early 2000s to the post-2016 period, drawing on policy documents, political speeches, academic literature, and civil society reports. It explores how state authority engages not only with organized civil society but also with broader social actors—such as media networks, religious communities, gender-based movements, and digital activism—that influence political participation and public discourse. The findings indicate that while constitutional and institutional reforms have expanded the procedural framework of democracy, substantive aspects—particularly freedom of expression, media independence, and pluralism—remain constrained by centralizing state power. Nevertheless, new forms of civic engagement, including online mobilization and gender equality campaigns, demonstrate society’s adaptive strategies and resilience. Democratization in Turkey thus emerges as a non-linear and contested process, shaped by the tension between state control and the plural aspirations of its citizens. By integrating social dimensions and empirical illustrations, this study offers a nuanced contribution to understanding how hybrid regimes negotiate power, participation, and identity in transitional democratic contexts,","source":"Semantic Scholar","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.60153/ijesss.v1i3.236","url":"https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/447a0e848d7d84e55734ddcef13edce755f954c8","is_open_access":true,"citations":1,"published_at":"","score":69.03},{"id":"arxiv_2503.10649","title":"Measuring Political Preferences in AI Systems: An Integrative Approach","authors":[{"name":"David Rozado"}],"abstract":"Political biases in Large Language Model (LLM)-based artificial intelligence (AI) systems, such as OpenAI's ChatGPT or Google's Gemini, have been previously reported. While several prior studies have attempted to quantify these biases using political orientation tests, such approaches are limited by potential tests' calibration biases and constrained response formats that do not reflect real-world human-AI interactions. This study employs a multi-method approach to assess political bias in leading AI systems, integrating four complementary methodologies: (1) linguistic comparison of AI-generated text with the language used by Republican and Democratic U.S. Congress members, (2) analysis of political viewpoints embedded in AI-generated policy recommendations, (3) sentiment analysis of AI-generated text toward politically affiliated public figures, and (4) standardized political orientation testing. Results indicate a consistent left-leaning bias across most contemporary AI systems, with arguably varying degrees of intensity. However, this bias is not an inherent feature of LLMs; prior research demonstrates that fine-tuning with politically skewed data can realign these models across the ideological spectrum. The presence of systematic political bias in AI systems poses risks, including reduced viewpoint diversity, increased societal polarization, and the potential for public mistrust in AI technologies. To mitigate these risks, AI systems should be designed to prioritize factual accuracy while maintaining neutrality on most lawful normative issues. Furthermore, independent monitoring platforms are necessary to ensure transparency, accountability, and responsible AI development.","source":"arXiv","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":["cs.CY","cs.AI","cs.CL"],"url":"https://arxiv.org/abs/2503.10649","pdf_url":"https://arxiv.org/pdf/2503.10649","is_open_access":true,"published_at":"2025-03-04T01:40:28Z","score":69},{"id":"arxiv_2509.24288","title":"ASIA: Adaptive 3D Segmentation using Few Image Annotations","authors":[{"name":"Sai Raj Kishore Perla"},{"name":"Aditya Vora"},{"name":"Sauradip Nag"},{"name":"Ali Mahdavi-Amiri"},{"name":"Hao Zhang"}],"abstract":"We introduce ASIA (Adaptive 3D Segmentation using few Image Annotations), a novel framework that enables segmentation of possibly non-semantic and non-text-describable \"parts\" in 3D. Our segmentation is controllable through a few user-annotated in-the-wild images, which are easier to collect than multi-view images, less demanding to annotate than 3D models, and more precise than potentially ambiguous text descriptions. Our method leverages the rich priors of text-to-image diffusion models, such as Stable Diffusion (SD), to transfer segmentations from image space to 3D, even when the annotated and target objects differ significantly in geometry or structure. During training, we optimize a text token for each segment and fine-tune our model with a novel cross-view part correspondence loss. At inference, we segment multi-view renderings of the 3D mesh, fuse the labels in UV-space via voting, refine them with our novel Noise Optimization technique, and finally map the UV-labels back onto the mesh. ASIA provides a practical and generalizable solution for both semantic and non-semantic 3D segmentation tasks, outperforming existing methods by a noticeable margin in both quantitative and qualitative evaluations.","source":"arXiv","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":["cs.CV"],"doi":"10.1145/3757377.3763821","url":"https://arxiv.org/abs/2509.24288","pdf_url":"https://arxiv.org/pdf/2509.24288","is_open_access":true,"published_at":"2025-09-29T05:04:11Z","score":69},{"id":"arxiv_2505.16286","title":"Microwave Engineering of Tunable Spin Interactions with Superconducting Qubits","authors":[{"name":"Kui Zhao"},{"name":"Ziting Wang"},{"name":"Yu Liu"},{"name":"Gui - Han Liang"},{"name":"Cai - Ping Fang"},{"name":"Yun - Hao Shi"},{"name":"Lv Zhang"},{"name":"Jia - Chi Zhang"},{"name":"Tian - Ming Li"},{"name":"Hao Li"},{"name":"Yueshan Xu"},{"name":"Wei - Guo Ma"},{"name":"Hao - Tian Liu"},{"name":"Jia - Cheng Song"},{"name":"Zhen - Ting Bao"},{"name":"Yong - Xi Xiao"},{"name":"Bing - Jie Chen"},{"name":"Cheng - Lin Deng"},{"name":"Zheng - He Liu"},{"name":"Yang He"},{"name":"Si - Yun Zhou"},{"name":"Xiaohui Song"},{"name":"Zhongcheng Xiang"},{"name":"Dongning Zheng"},{"name":"Kaixuan Huang"},{"name":"Kai Xu"},{"name":"Heng Fan"}],"abstract":"Quantum simulation has emerged as a powerful framework for investigating complex many - body phenomena. A key requirement for emulating these dynamics is the realization of fully controllable quantum systems enabling various spin interactions. Yet, quantum simulators remain constrained in the types of attainable interactions. Here we demonstrate experimental realization of multiple microwave - engineered spin interactions in superconducting quantum circuits. By precisely controlling the native XY interaction and microwave drives, we achieve tunable spin Hamiltonians including: (i) XYZ spin models with continuously adjustable parameters, (ii) transverse - field Ising systems, and (iii) Dzyaloshinskii - Moriya interacting systems. Our work expands the toolbox for analogue - digital quantum simulation, enabling exploration of a wide range of exotic quantum spin models.","source":"arXiv","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":["quant-ph"],"doi":"10.1063/5.0281890","url":"https://arxiv.org/abs/2505.16286","pdf_url":"https://arxiv.org/pdf/2505.16286","is_open_access":true,"published_at":"2025-05-22T06:32:36Z","score":69},{"id":"arxiv_2504.09111","title":"Study on Text Classification for Public Administration","authors":[{"name":"Stefanie Schwaar"},{"name":"Franziska Diez"},{"name":"Michael Trebing"},{"name":"Nils Witznick"}],"abstract":"In German public administration, there are 45 different offices to which incoming messages need to be distributed. Since these messages are often unstructured, the system has to be based at least partly on message content. For public service no data are given so far and no pretrained model is available. The data we used are conducted by Governikus KG and are of highly different length. To handle those data with standard methods different approaches are known, like normalization or segmentation. However, text classification is highly dependent on the data structure, a study for public administration data is missing at the moment. We conducted such a study analyzing different techniques of classification based on segments, normalization and feature selection. Thereby, we used different methods, this means neural nets, random forest, logistic regression, SVM classifier and SVAE. The comparison shows for the given public service data a classification accuracy of above 80\\% can be reached based on cross validation. We further show that normalization is preferable, while the difference to the segmentation approach depends mainly on the choice of algorithm.","source":"arXiv","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":["stat.AP"],"url":"https://arxiv.org/abs/2504.09111","pdf_url":"https://arxiv.org/pdf/2504.09111","is_open_access":true,"published_at":"2025-04-12T07:44:18Z","score":69},{"id":"ss_bd47681399fea4d63174d28c84ad521435c7c4c4","title":"The Impact of Corruption on Political Institutions and Democracy in South Asia: Case Study of Pakistan","authors":[{"name":"Ismail Adaramola"},{"name":"A. Azeez"},{"name":"Muhammad Talal Bhatti"}],"abstract":"This study examines how entrenched corruption undermines political institutions and democratic processes in South Asia, focusing on Pakistan. Corruption is identified as a global scourge that “undermines the institutions and values of democracy”. In South Asia, corruption scores remain below world averages (e.g. a 2013 survey found a regional CPI score of 30/100). Pakistan, in particular, has seen pervasive corruption; its CPI was only 29 in 2023, reflecting decades long trends. The problem statement highlights that systemic bribery and politicization have weakened accountability mechanisms, the rule of law, and public trust. The objectives are to analyze the impact of corruption on Pakistani institutions and democratic quality via qualitative case study methods. Key findings (supported by secondary data) indicate that corruption has deeply eroded institutional legitimacy, for example, 88% of citizens report that corruption is widespread, and many see anti‐corruption agencies as politicized tools. Such insights underscore the importance of institutional reform in Pakistan and broader South Asia. By integrating academic and policy sources, the study informs future anticorruption strategies, emphasizing the need for stronger oversight, transparency, and civic engagement in the region","source":"Semantic Scholar","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.59890/ijasr.v3i8.87","url":"https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/bd47681399fea4d63174d28c84ad521435c7c4c4","is_open_access":true,"published_at":"","score":69},{"id":"ss_51c93126afd321e9195bcbd8d049390704c5bb9c","title":"Anti-Corruption Laws And Public Administration Reform","authors":[{"name":"Sahri"}],"abstract":"This article explores the legal dimensions of anti-corruption and public administration reform in post-conflict states as essential pillars for rebuilding institutional integrity and sustaining peace. In the aftermath of violent conflict, corruption often thrives in the vacuum of weakened institutions, undermining efforts toward recovery, legitimacy, and development. Using a comparative legal analysis approach, this study examines the effectiveness of legal frameworks—including anti-corruption statutes, independent oversight bodies, public procurement regulations, and whistleblower protection laws—in promoting good governance and restoring public trust. Focusing on selected post-conflict countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia, the article evaluates how legal reform initiatives are influenced by both international norms, such as the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC), and local political realities. It highlights the implementation gap between legal commitments and practice, identifying structural constraints such as limited judicial capacity, political interference, and under-resourced oversight institutions. The analysis finds that legal strategies must move beyond punitive enforcement to incorporate preventive and participatory mechanisms that empower civil society, enhance transparency, and institutionalize accountability. The article concludes that sustainable anti-corruption reform in post-conflict settings requires a context-sensitive, rights-based approach aligned with Sustainable Development Goal 16. Legal reforms must not only criminalize corruption but also establish resilient governance systems that uphold the rule of law and democratic accountability.","source":"Semantic Scholar","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.71305/jlpgd.v1i1.335","url":"https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/51c93126afd321e9195bcbd8d049390704c5bb9c","is_open_access":true,"published_at":"","score":69},{"id":"ss_389d2200aad31e6cb8500655add66c1dda58b4a6","title":"The Historical Evolution of Development Policies in the Turkic World: A Theoretical Assessment of Macroeconomic Institutions and Structural Transformations in the Central Asian Turkic Republics","authors":[{"name":"Hamza Özçiftçi"},{"name":"B. Aydemir"}],"abstract":"This study analyzes the historical evolution of development policies in the Turkic World, particularly in the Central Asian Turkic Republics, by integrating macroeconomic structures, institutional transformations, and economic history perspectives. Existing research has shown that post-1991 transition economies in the region experienced extensive privatization, market liberalization, and structural adjustments shaped by external actors, while macroeconomic outcomes remained highly dependent on political stability, institutional quality, and resource endowments. However, the literature also indicates that neoliberal reform packages alone have been insufficient for achieving sustainable development without the support of strong, inclusive, and accountable institutions.Building on these well-established insights, this study offers a multidimensional contribution by combining development economics, institutional economics, and economic history to produce an integrated analytical framework for the Turkic World. Through a comparative assessment of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Azerbaijan, the study not only highlights the historical roots and uneven trajectories of the transition process but also evaluates contemporary macroeconomic indicators to reveal the extent to which institutional capacity shapes development outcomes. In doing so, the study demonstrates that long-term and sustainable development in the region depends not merely on policy reforms, but on the depth, enforceability, and social legitimacy of institutional structures.By presenting an interdisciplinary synthesis and a comparative regional perspective, this research adds conceptual clarity to the relationship between institutional transformation and macroeconomic performance and contributes to the broader discussion on how transition economies can design more resilient and inclusive development strategies. Keywords: Transition Economies, Institutional Development, Macroeconomic Reforms in the Turkic World. Cite this article as: Özçiftçi, H., \u0026 Aydemir, B. (2025). The historical evolution of development policies in the Turkic world: a theoretical assessment of macroeconomic institutions and structural transformations in the Central Asian Turkic republics. Journal of Business Administration and Social Studies, 9, 0035, doi:10.5152/JBASS.2025.25035.","source":"Semantic Scholar","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.5152/jbass.2025.25035","url":"https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/389d2200aad31e6cb8500655add66c1dda58b4a6","is_open_access":true,"published_at":"","score":69},{"id":"ss_6f5c17ab1a87812131ba0bea32519432c2d9c9f3","title":"Use of artificial intelligence in public administration: challenges and prospects","authors":[{"name":"O. Musii"}],"abstract":"The rapid advancement of artificial intelligence (AI) technologies has profoundly transformed virtually all areas of human activity, and public administration is no exception. The integration of AI into public management systems opens up unprecedented opportunities to increase efficiency, transparency, and responsiveness in the provision of public services. This article examines the potential, challenges, and prospects of using artificial intelligence in public administration, focusing on ethical, legal, and organizational aspects. It emphasizes that AI tools—from data analytics and machine learning to natural language processing and automated decision-making systems—can significantly contribute to improving the quality of political planning, resource allocation, and citizen participation. Through predictive modeling, intelligent data processing, and real-time monitoring, AI enables evidence-based decision-making and strengthens the adaptability of public institutions to a dynamic socioeconomic environment. At the same time, the implementation of AI in public administration presents several complex challenges. Key issues include algorithmic bias, data protection violations, a lack of transparency regarding automated decisions, and insufficient digital literacy among public sector employees. The article emphasizes that without a clear ethical framework and appropriate regulatory mechanisms, the use of AI could exacerbate social inequalities and undermine citizens’ trust in government institutions. Therefore, the development of clear governance standards for the use of AI in the public sector is essential to ensure accountability, fairness, and human oversight in all decision-making processes. The study also analyzes international experiences in AI governance, particularly in the European Union, the United States, and leading Asian countries, and identifies best practices that can be transferred to national contexts. It argues that the strategic implementation of AI should be based on the principles of open government, inclusivity, and human-centered digital transformation. The article also emphasizes the need for continuous training and development measures for public sector employees to ensure competent use of AI-based tools and the interpretation of algorithmic results. In conclusion, it is concluded that artificial intelligence represents both a challenge and an opportunity for modern public administration. It can optimize administrative processes and strengthen democratic governance, but at the same time requires new legal safeguards, ethical standards, and institutional competencies. The success of integrating AI into public administration depends crucially on the balance between technological innovation and the protection of human rights, transparency, and accountability. The future of AI in the public sector therefore lies not solely in technological progress, but in the development of responsible and sustainable political strategies that align innovation with the public interest and democratic values.","source":"Semantic Scholar","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.24144/2788-6018.2025.06.2.64","url":"https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/6f5c17ab1a87812131ba0bea32519432c2d9c9f3","is_open_access":true,"published_at":"","score":69},{"id":"ss_56b29f34838803d794f0568d82f53f9827075823","title":"Political Jurisprudence in Action: How Political Power Shapes Legal Outcomes in Southeast Asia","authors":[{"name":"Maulana Anwar"},{"name":"Afif Noor"}],"abstract":"This study examines the phenomenon of political jurisprudence in Southeast Asia, emphasizing the persistent intersection between judicial institutions and political power. Using qualitative content analysis of regional reports, particularly the UNDP’s Judicial Integrity and Independence in Southeast Asia (2023–2024), the research identifies patterns of external pressure, limited transparency, and constrained judicial ethics across six ASEAN countries. Findings reveal that political influence remains prevalent in judicial appointments, decision-making, and resource allocation, reflecting structural dependence on the executive branch. Informal mechanisms such as patronage networks, selective sanctions, and budgetary control further weaken judicial autonomy and discourage resistance to political authority. These dynamics foster a culture of strategic conformity, where judicial decisions often align with dominant political interests rather than constitutional or human rights principles. Consequently, public trust in judicial integrity erodes, undermining both democratic accountability and access to justice. The study concludes that enhancing judicial independence in Southeast Asia requires not only institutional reform but also cultural transformation within the judiciary promoting ethical resilience, transparency, and professional integrity to resist political co-optation and strengthen the rule of law.","source":"Semantic Scholar","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.65310/a8t22t48","url":"https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/56b29f34838803d794f0568d82f53f9827075823","is_open_access":true,"published_at":"","score":69},{"id":"ss_d10233964a99d3fa3d18d8023360a8e10cfb2524","title":"The buffering effect of government responsiveness on authoritarian values and political trust: a cross-national study of 15 Asia-Pacific societies","authors":[{"name":"Ronald A. Pernia"},{"name":"R. Rye"}],"abstract":"ABSTRACT Prevailing scholarship contends that individual-level non-democratic tendencies are strongly associated with their tendency to cast higher levels of political trust, both institutionally and culturally. However, a good deal of these works failed to account that this mass behaviour does not necessarily flow in a linear fashion. Instead, it could be significantly moderated by perceived government responsiveness. In this study, we probe how the strong association between authoritarian values and political trust is moderated by citizens' perception of their incumbent government as performing responsively. Drawing on public opinion data across 15 Asia-Pacific societies from the fifth wave of the Asian Barometer Survey (ABS), our paper reveals two findings. First, there is a strong positive association between authoritarian values and political trust, i.e. greater authoritarian values lead to higher political trust. Second, this relationship is conditional or moderated by government responsiveness. That is, political trust of highly authoritarian citizens tends to be higher only in less responsive conditions. In contrast, their political trust tends to be lower when in high responsive contexts. In other words, the positive effect of authoritarian values towards political trust will be substantially diminished in highly responsive environments. Ultimately, these findings not only bring about the enduring legacy of authoritarian values in the region but also provide nuanced insights on how responsive governance can attenuate authoritarian inclinations.","source":"Semantic Scholar","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.1080/02185377.2025.2510930","url":"https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/d10233964a99d3fa3d18d8023360a8e10cfb2524","is_open_access":true,"published_at":"","score":69},{"id":"ss_f169d7e454f0af13960ce05c4f1a16e7667e1770","title":"Citizens’ Trust in Democratic Constitutional State Institutions and its Social Impact","authors":[{"name":"Munkhbaatar Sengedorj"}],"abstract":"This article examines the level of trust that citizens place in state and political institutions established under a democratic constitution. Trust is a fundamental condition not only for the consolidation of democracy but also for the effective and stable functioning of public institutions. In contemporary societies, declining interpersonal and institutional trust has become a critical concern in social and political science, as trust constitutes one of the most important foundations of cooperation. Since cooperation is essential at all levels of social and political relations, it is necessary to closely examine both the degree of mutual trust and the factors that shape it. The study analyzes citizens’ trust in key state institutions and explores the social, political, and institutional determinants influencing this trust. Mutual respect, openness, and reciprocity are identified as core elements of trust relations: individuals who extend trust to institutions expect transparency, accountability, and fairness in return. Mutual understanding and responsiveness strengthen citizens’ willingness to rely on public authority and comply with its decisions. Based on comparative data from the Asia Barometer “Democracy, Governance, and Development” baseline survey, the article demonstrates that Mongolians’ trust in state and political institutions is relatively low compared to selected Asian democracies, including the Republic of Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand. Levels of trust in the president, parliament, judiciary, and government at various levels are consistently lower, while trust in political parties is the weakest of all. Such low institutional trust signals problems of political legitimacy and indicates a potential risk of persistent political instability. Methodologically, the study draws on descriptive and inferential statistical analysis of raw survey data and situates the findings within the broader academic literature on political trust and institutional confidence. By identifying the structural and perceptual factors underlying the erosion of trust, the article contributes to understanding the challenges facing democratic governance and the constitutional state in transitional societies. Ардчилсан Үндсэн хуулийн төрийн институт дэх иргэдийн итгэл, түүний социаль нөлөөлөл Шинэ Үндсэн хуулийн дагуу бүрэлдсэн төрийн болон улс төрийн институцэд иргэд, олон нийтийн итгэж буй байдлын талаар энэхүү өгүүлэлд авч үзсэн болно. Итгэлцэл нь ардчилал төдийгүй төрийн байгууллагуудын саадгүй, үр дүнтэй ажиллах чухал элемент юм. Иргэдийн бие биедээ болон Засгийн газартаа итгэх итгэл өнөөдөр буурч байгаа нь итгэлцлийг нийгэм, улс төрийн шинжлэх ухааны хувьд урьд өмнөхөөсөө илүү чухал асуудал болгож байна. Итгэлцэл бол хамтын ажиллагааны хамгийн чухал эх сурвалжуудын нэг юм. Иргэний болон олон нийтийн харилцааны бүхий л түвшинд хамтын ажиллагаа шаардлагатай байдаг тул социаль харилцааны оролцогч талуудын харилцан итгэлцлийн түвшин, түүнд нөлөөлж буй элементүүдийг гүн гүнзгий ажиглах хэрэгтэй. Энэхүү судалгаанд төрийн байгууллагуудад иргэд хэр зэрэг итгэл үнэмшилтэй байгаа талаар авч үзсэн. Төрийн байгууллагуудад итгэх итгэлийн зэрэгцээ төрийн байгууллагуудад итгэх итгэлийн түвшинд нөлөөлөх хэд хэдэн хүчин зүйл нь судалгааны өөр нэг чиглэлийг бүрдүүлж байна. Итгэлцлийн харилцаанд харилцан хүндэтгэлтэй, нээлттэй байх нь итгэлцлийн орчинг бүрдүүлэх гол хүчин зүйлийн нэг юм. Өөр хувь хүн эсвэл байгууллагад итгэдэг хувь хүмүүс нөгөө талаасаа өөртөө итгэхийг хүсдэг. Харилцан ойлголцох нь тэднийг нөгөө талдаа найдахыг дэмждэг. Азийн орнуудтай /БНСУ, Тайван, Тайланд/ харьцуулахад монголчуудын төрийн байгууллагууд, улс төрийн институтэд итгэх илтгэл харьцангуй доогуур байлаа. Ерөнхийлөгч, парламент, шүүх институт, Засгийн газарт итгэх итгэл аль ч түвшинд эдгээр орнуудтай харьцуулахад бага байна. Улс төрийн намуудад итгэх итгэл хамгийн бага байна. Төрийн институтэд итгэх итгэл бага байгаа нь засаглалын легитим хангагдахгүй, улс төрийн тогтворгүй байдал цаашид үргэлжлэх хөрс болж болох эрсдэл байгааг илтгэнэ. Судалгаанд төрийн байгууллагуудад итгэх итгэл, итгэлцлийн талаарх эрдэм шинжилгээний ажлыг тусгайлан авч үзсэн болно. Өнөөгийн төр засаг, улс төрийн институцийн талаарх үнэлгээ, итгэл алдарч буй суурь нөхцөл шалтгааныг шүүн тунгаав. Тус өгүүлэлд Азийн Барометрийн харьцуулсан үр дүн болох “Ардчилал, Засаглал, Хөгжил” суурь судалгааны мэдээлэлд тулгуурласан ба анхдагч мэдээлэл/raw data/-д үндэслэн тоон/descriptive/ болон дүгнэлт хийх/ inferential/ статистикийн шинжилгээг ашигласан болно. Түлхүүр үг: Ардчилал, институцэд итгэх итгэл, төрийн институци, эв нэгдэл.","source":"Semantic Scholar","year":2025,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.22353/nlr.2025.06.27","url":"https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/f169d7e454f0af13960ce05c4f1a16e7667e1770","is_open_access":true,"published_at":"","score":69},{"id":"crossref_10.1080/00856401.2024.2366633","title":"‘If Only That Pitiless Blade Had Pierced My Own Heart and Eyes’: Mughal Royal Women’s Grief as a Form of Political Rhetoric","authors":[{"name":"Amanda Caterina Leong"}],"abstract":"","source":"CrossRef","year":2024,"language":"en","subjects":null,"doi":"10.1080/00856401.2024.2366633","url":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2024.2366633","is_open_access":true,"citations":1,"published_at":"","score":68.03}],"total":8171475,"page":1,"page_size":20,"sources":["DOAJ","CrossRef","arXiv","Semantic Scholar"],"query":"Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)"}